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Lenin Kembali ke Rusia - Sejarah

Lenin Kembali ke Rusia - Sejarah


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Petrograd 1917
Pada 16 April Vladamir Lenin kembali ke Rusia. Orang Jerman telah menghantarnya dengan kereta tertutup dari Switzerland. Mereka berharap bahawa Lenin akan mendorong ketidakstabilan di Rusia kerana Bolshevik Lenin menentang untuk meneruskan perang dengan Jerman.

Kemasukan Amerika Syarikat ke dalam perang melawan Jerman menjadikannya lebih kritikal bahawa Rusia bersetuju untuk membantu melepaskan tembakan dan meninggalkan perang. Orang Jerman tahu bahawa sementara pemerintah baru di Rusia ingin meneruskan pertempuran, kaum bolshevik mahu Rusia menarik diri. Oleh itu, adalah kepentingan Jerman bagi kaum Bolshevik untuk berkuasa Rusia. Pemimpin Bolshevik yang paling karismatik adalah Vladimir Lenin, yang berada dalam buangan di Switzerland. Orang Jerman memutuskan untuk mempercepat kepulangannya ke Rusia dengan membiarkannya menyeberangi Jerman dengan jalur Jerman dengan kereta api tertutup. Lennon pada awalnya waspada dengan tawaran Jerman, tetapi tidak melihat cara lain untuk kembali ke Rusia dan merasakan perlunya berada di pusat acara yang berlangsung, dia mengecualikan tawaran mereka.

Pada 16 April 1917, Lennon sampai di Petrograd. Di sana dia memberitahu tanda kutip orang ramai yang menunggu saatnya tidak lama ketika memanggil Karl Liebknecht Orang Jerman akan memalingkan senjata mereka terhadap pengeksploitasi kapitalis. Perang imperialis perompak adalah permulaan Perang Saudara di seluruh Eropah. Hidup lama revolusi sosialis di seluruh dunia.
Orang Jerman betul tentang Lemon, dan terima kasih sedikit pun kepada Lennon, Bolshevik segera berkuasa di Rusia menarik diri dari perang.


Kembalinya Vladimir Lenin

Terdapat beberapa individu yang mempunyai kesan yang lebih mendalam terhadap sejarah abad ke-20 daripada Vladimir Lenin. Dilahirkan pada tahun 1870 kepada keluarga kelas menengah yang kaya di Provinsi Simbirsk, jalan Lenin sebagai seorang revolusioner diletakkan di awal kehidupan ketika saudaranya dieksekusi atas peranannya dalam cubaan pembunuhan Tsar Alexander III. Lenin belajar undang-undang di Universiti Kazan, di mana dia menerapkan cita-cita revolusioner sosialis. Latar belakangnya yang mulia (ayahnya adalah seorang pegawai pemerintah dan datuknya seorang doktor) membentuk keperibadiannya dengan cara yang mendasar, dan seorang penulis sejarah menulis bahawa ia mempengaruhi "sikap politiknya: pandangan dogmatis dan cara yang mendominasi: sikapnya yang tidak toleran terhadap segala bentuk kritikan bawahan: dan kecenderungannya memandang massa tidak lebih dari bahan manusia yang diperlukan untuk rancangan revolusi sendiri. " [i] Penulis sosialis Rusia Maxim Gorky menulis bahawa akar kelas menengah Lenin yang kaya menyebabkan dia menganggap dirinya "dibenarkan melakukan dengan orang Rusia percubaan kejam yang ditakdirkan untuk gagal." [ii]

Dia akhirnya diusir dari Universiti Kazan kerana peranannya dalam demonstrasi pelajar. Dia menjadi aktivis Marxis dan segera diadili untuk menghasut dan diasingkan ke Siberia. Setelah meninggalkan Siberia, dia pergi ke luar negeri, bergerak ke Eropah Barat sambil terus memantau keadaan politik di Rusia dan tetap aktif, walaupun dari kejauhan, dengan gerakan Bolshevik sayap kiri. Leon Trotsky, seorang lagi revolusioner sosialis, mengatakan mengenai Lenin, isterinya, dan seorang rakan mereka, Grigory Zinoviev, bahawa mereka adalah "pusat kerohanian parti." [iii] Lenin memiliki beberapa sifat yang membolehkannya berperanan sebagai tokoh. Trotsky menulis, "Kemampuan yang luar biasa untuk mengesan suasana massa adalah kekuatan hebat Lenin." [iv] N. N. Sukhanov mengatakan bahawa dia adalah "seorang pidato dengan pengaruh dan kekuatan yang sangat besar." [v] Sifat-sifat ini memungkinkan dia untuk merasakan ketika waktu yang tepat untuk revolusi, dan menginspirasi orang lain untuk mengikutinya. Menjelang April 1917, dia merasakan waktu semakin hampir. Dia percaya bahawa pemberontakan sosialis di seluruh dunia sudah dekat, menulis dalam bukunyaNegara dan Revolusi bahawa & # 8220 sejarah dunia sudah pasti membawa & # 8230 ke 'penumpuan semua kekuatan' revolusi proletar untuk tujuan 'menghancurkan' jentera negara. '' [vi]

Pemerintah Jerman, yang ingin menyebarkan kerusuhan sosial di Rusia dalam usaha menghancurkan usaha perang di Front Timur, mengizinkan Lenin dan rakan-rakannya pulang dari Switzerland, dan mereka tiba pada 3 April. Trotsky menulis, "Hanya sejak saat itu Parti Bolshevik mulai bersuara lantang, dan, apa yang lebih penting, dengan suaranya sendiri." [vii] Lenin tiba dengan penuh semangat, dan beberapa ribu pekerja dan tentera digerakkan untuk menyambutnya di stesen. Lenin memberikan beberapa ucapan pada tarikh kepulangannya, semuanya dengan tema yang serupa. "Jam tidak lama lagi ketika & # 8230 orang akan berpaling menentang pengeksploitasi kapitalis mereka sendiri. & # 8230 Revolusi Sosialis di seluruh dunia telah pun bermula. " [viii]

Pada 4 April, dia menerbitkan tesisnya di Pravda, yang kemudiannya akan menjadi surat khabar rasmi Parti Komunis di Kesatuan Soviet. Di dalamnya, dia mengambil sikap radikal terhadap apa yang dilihatnya sebagai peran partai di masa depan, yang diringkaskan oleh Trotsky: "Tugas Bolshevik adalah menjatuhkan pemerintahan imperialis." [ix] Ia diterbitkan atas namanya sahaja, tanpa seorang pun pemimpin Bolshevik lain yang bersedia menandatangani nama mereka. Sentimen masyarakat segera berubah terhadap Lenin dan Bolshevik, terutama ketika mengetahui peranan pemerintah Jerman ketika kembali ke Petrograd. Banyak pelaut yang menyambutnya di stesen menerbitkan pernyataan penyesalan atas tindakan mereka, dan banyak wartawan mula menyasarkan kaum Bolshevik. "'Tangkap Lenin' dan kemudian 'Turun bersama Bolshevik' terdengar di setiap persimpangan jalan." [x]

Selama ini, kerusuhan awam tetap tinggi. Terdapat demonstrasi berlanjutan yang hanya ditumpaskan oleh Soviet. Pemerintah Sementara, tidak berdaya untuk menghentikan kerusuhan, meneruskan usaha perang, dan serangan lain dirancang untuk musim panas. Jenderal Alexei Brusilov, yang saat ini adalah ketua tentera, melihat bahaya dalam tindakan ini dan memberi amaran menentangnya, tetapi Menteri Perang, Alexander Kerensky, tetap bertahan. Dia melakukan tur di bahagian depan dalam usaha meningkatkan semangat tetapi terlalu buta untuk melihat keletihan perang tentera Rusia. Ketika serangan menghampiri, semakin banyak tentera mula meninggalkan. Figes menulis, "Jumlah penggurun sebenarnya dalam serangan itu jauh lebih tinggi daripada angka rasmi 170.000." [xi] Sementara itu, pemerintah Jerman sedang menumpaskan tentera Rusia dengan minuman keras dan bordellos di dekat barisan depan, dan menyebarkan propaganda serupa dengan kaum Bolshevik, mendorong para prajurit untuk tidak mati kerana "kepentingan imperialis Britain dan Perancis." [xii]

Kerensky Serangan, seperti yang disebut, dimulai pada 1 Julai. Ini adalah kegagalan yang menyedihkan. Sebilangan besar orang Rusia berundur secara beramai-ramai, mengacukan senapang ke arah komandan mereka daripada musuh. Ini memberi tamparan hebat kepada Pemerintah Sementara, dan mendorong banyak simpati terhadap kaum Bolshevik, yang tetap menjadi satu-satunya pihak utama yang terus mengakhiri perang. Banyak pemimpin Bolshevik, walaupun bukan Lenin, berpendapat bahawa sekarang adalah masa untuk menyerang.

[i] Figes, Orlando. Tragedi Rakyat: Revolusi Rusia 1891-1924. (New York: Penguin Books, 1996). Hlm. 144


Sumber Utama

(1) Nadezhda Krupskaya, Kenangan Lenin (1926)

Dari saat berita revolusi Februari datang, Ilyich terbakar dengan semangat untuk pergi ke Rusia. Inggeris dan Perancis tidak akan membiarkan dunia Bolshevik melintas ke Rusia. Oleh kerana tidak ada cara yang sah maka perlu melakukan perjalanan secara haram. Tetapi bagaimana? Pada 19 Mac telah diadakan pertemuan kumpulan emigre politik Rusia di Switzerland. untuk membincangkan cara dan cara untuk kembali ke Rusia. Martov mengemukakan rancangan untuk mendapatkan izin bagi para pendatang untuk melewati Jerman sebagai pertukaran dengan tahanan perang Jerman dan Austria yang ditahan di Rusia. Tetapi tidak ada yang ingin melakukannya, kecuali Lenin, yang menangkap rancangan ini. Ketika ada berita bahawa Kerajaan Jerman akan memberi jalan selamat kepada Lenin dan rakan-rakannya melalui Jerman dalam & quot; kereta api yang ditutup & quot; Lenin mahu pergi sekaligus.

(2) Richard von K & uumlhlmann, telegram ke Markas Tentera Darat (Disember 1917)

Gangguan Entente dan penciptaan gabungan politik yang seterusnya yang dapat disetujui oleh kita merupakan matlamat perang yang paling penting dalam diplomasi kita. Rusia nampaknya merupakan penghubung yang paling lemah dalam rantai musuh, oleh itu tugasnya secara beransur-ansur untuk melonggarkannya, dan, jika mungkin, untuk menghapusnya. Ini adalah tujuan aktiviti subversif yang kami lakukan di Rusia di belakang - di tempat pertama, promosi kecenderungan separatis dan sokongan kaum Bolshevik telah menerima aliran dana yang berterusan melalui pelbagai saluran dan di bawah label yang berlainan dalam kedudukan untuk dapat membina organ utama mereka, Pravda, untuk melakukan propaganda yang bertenaga dan dengan pantas untuk memperluas asas awal parti mereka yang sempit.

(3) Jeneral Max Hoffmann, Peluang Perang yang Hilang (1924)

Kita secara semula jadi berusaha, melalui propaganda, untuk meningkatkan perpecahan yang diperkenalkan oleh Revolusi Rusia ke dalam Tentera Darat. Beberapa lelaki di rumah yang mempunyai hubungan dengan para revolusioner Rusia yang diasingkan di Switzerland mendapat idea untuk menggunakan beberapa orang untuk mempercepat dan meracuni semangat Tentera Rusia.

Dia melamar wakil Reichstag, Mathias Erzberger dan timbalan Pejabat Luar Negeri Jerman. Oleh itu, Lenin disampaikan melalui Jerman kepada Petrograd dengan cara yang kemudian berlaku.

Dengan cara yang sama ketika saya mengirim peluru ke parit musuh, ketika saya melepaskan gas racun kepadanya, saya, sebagai musuh, berhak menggunakan cara propaganda menentang pasukan pengawalnya.


Rakan pengembara

Selama berminggu-minggu setelah Vladimir Lenin dan pengikutnya dari Bolshevik merebut kekuasaan pada November 1917, surat khabar konservatif meramalkan kejatuhannya. Arthur Ransome - lebih dikenali hari ini sebagai pengarang buku kanak-kanak, termasuk Swallows dan Amazons zaman kanak-kanak - dan Morgan Philips Price of the Manchester Guardian kedua-duanya menonjol sebagai dua yang dengan betul meramalkan bahawa rejim Bolshevik akan bertahan.

Revolusi Bolshevik: tetapi mungkin tidak seperti yang dilaporkan oleh kontinjen media asing Moscow. NaughtyNut melalui Shutterstock

Mereka ingin tahu, kedua-duanya berbahasa Rusia yang baik, dan mempunyai hubungan yang luas dalam kalangan politik. Para wartawan dapat berbicara dengan para revolusioner, pekerja dan petani. Diplomat tidak mempunyai kebebasan yang sama, jadi mereka lebih lambat untuk menghargai bahawa dinasti Tsar ditakdirkan.

Philips Price dan Ransome bukanlah pemerhati yang tidak berat sebelah. John Reed, pengarang muda Karismatik Sepuluh Hari yang Mengguncang Dunia, mengenai revolusi. Dia juga mengakui ketika menulis: "Rasa simpati saya dalam perjuangan tidak bersikap berkecuali."

Surat-menyurat dalam arkib Guardian menunjukkan sejauh mana kertas itu kemudian menjauhkan diri dari Philips Price. Sebuah risalah yang ditulisnya dianggap sangat menginspirasi oleh kaum Bolshevik sehingga mereka menggunakannya sebagai propaganda untuk menghalangi tentera Inggeris yang telah memasuki Rusia untuk membalikkan revolusi. Bagi Ransome, dia jelas mengagumi Lenin, dan kemudiannya berkahwin dengan setiausaha Leon Trotsky.

Wartawan yang begitu kagum dengan Lenin menemui rakan sejawatnya yang kemudiannya mengagumi Joseph Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev dan Mikhail Gorbachev. Pada tahun 1930-an, raja wartawan Moscow adalah Walter Duranty dari New York Times. Ahli biografinya tahun 1990-an, SJ Taylor, mengisytiharkannya sebagai peminta maaf Stalin.

Filem baru-baru ini Mr Jones mengingati penolakan Duranty untuk melaporkan kebuluran di Ukraine pada tahun 1930-an. Kehilangannya akibat kebuluran besar-besaran membuatnya tetap disukai oleh rejim Stalin, dan dia kemudian mengambil penghargaan atas pengakuan diplomatik AS terhadap Soviet Union.

Seorang wartawan perintis lain tidak dapat mempercayai apa yang sepertinya sangat menguntungkan ketika dia melintasi Rusia di perbatasannya dengan Poland tanpa surat-surat yang tepat dan masih dapat berjalan ke Moscow. Marguerite Harrison, yang disambut oleh New York Times sebagai "penulis berita cemerlang", memanggilnya otobiografi 1936 Born For Trouble.

Satu masalah dalam kesnya ialah dia bukan hanya seorang wartawan yang hebat. Dia juga seorang perisik Amerika. Dalam pembelaannya, jantina Harrison telah menghalangnya daripada mendapatkan tugas kewartawanan, jadi dia juga setuju untuk bekerja untuk perisikan ketenteraan AS. Dia berakhir di sebuah penjara di Moscow, tetapi keberuntungannya bertahan cukup lama untuk mendapatkan wawancara dengan Trotsky. Aksesnya yang sangat baik kemudian dijelaskan oleh fakta bahawa Soviet tahu apa yang dia inginkan, dan ingin mengawasinya.


Bagaimana Pengganas Merah menetapkan kursus mengerikan untuk Kesatuan Soviet

Pada tahun 1918, rejim Bolshevik melancarkan kempen pembunuhan massal dan penahanan yang disetujui oleh negara untuk membungkam musuh politik — yang meletakkan asas selama beberapa dekad keganasan di A.S.R.

Ketika Nikolay Gumilyov meninggal pada bulan Ogos 1921, rakan-rakannya tidak berani meratapnya di khalayak ramai. Penyair dan pembangkang Rusia yang terkenal telah ditangkap dan dituduh secara palsu untuk merancang pemberontakan terhadap kaum Bolshevik, gerakan sayap kiri radikal yang diasaskan oleh Vladimir Lenin yang mengambil alih kuasa setelah Revolusi Rusia. Gumilyov dihukum tanpa perbicaraan dan dihukum mati oleh regu tembak.

Penyair itu hanyalah salah satu dari banyak mangsa Keganasan Merah, gelombang kekejaman yang ditaja oleh negara yang dijatuhkan di Rusia pada 5 September 1918, dan berlangsung hingga tahun 1922. Niat untuk mempertahankan penguasaan mereka terhadap sebuah negara di pergolakan orang awam perang, kaum Bolshevik menggunakan taktik keganasan untuk membungkam musuh mereka dan menghalangi orang lain untuk menentang mereka. Puluhan ribu, dan mungkin lebih dari satu juta, orang dicap sebagai "musuh kelas" dan ditahan di kem konsentrasi atau dihukum mati. Keganasan itu melancarkan jalan selama beberapa dekad pemerintahan Soviet dan keganasan yang dibenarkan oleh negara.

Pada awal abad ke-20, Rusia telah siap menghadapi perselisihan dan perubahan rejim setelah bertahun-tahun kebuluran dan ketidaksamaan dramatik di bawah pemerintahan kerajaan autokratik. Pada tahun 1905, orang-orang Rusia bangkit dalam tunjuk perasaan besar-besaran yang memaksa Tsar Nicholas II untuk mengemukakan perlembagaan pertama negara, melindungi hak-hak sivil asas, dan membenarkan pembentukan parlimen. Tetapi ketegangan muncul kembali di tengah-tengah kekurangan dan kematian Perang Dunia I, dan, pada bulan Mac 1917, para penunjuk perasaan yang kelaparan dan marah menuntut pengunduran Nicholas. Menghadapi pemberontakan masyarakat Rusia yang luas, termasuk askarnya sendiri, dia mengundurkan diri. (Ikuti tahun revolusi huru-hara di Rusia.)

Revolusi yang membentuk Rusia

Monarki Rusia telah berakhir. Tetapi walaupun pemerintah sementara yang menggantikan tsar melancarkan reformasi hak sipil, ia berjuang untuk memimpin. Perang Dunia I masih berlangsung, dan pegawai pemerintah khawatir kekalahan di tangan Jerman akan menyebabkan pemulihan monarki. Sementara itu, kekurangan makanan terus menimbulkan rasa tidak puas hati di kalangan banyak orang Rusia. Pada bulan November 1917, kaum Bolshevik memanfaatkan kerusuhan dan merebut kekuasaan dengan menjanjikan "perdamaian, tanah dan roti" kepada rakyat Rusia. (Revolusi ini dikenali sebagai Revolusi Oktober sejak jatuh pada bulan Oktober kalendar Julian, yang ditinggalkan oleh kaum Bolshevik pada Januari 1918.)

Golongan Bolshevik melihat Rusia sebagai tempat yang ideal untuk menggerakkan revolusi komunis - bukan oleh kelas pekerja yang bangkit untuk menghapuskan kapitalisme, seperti yang telah diramalkan oleh ahli falsafah Jerman Karl Marx, tetapi melalui kelompok kecil, otoriter yang akan menubuhkan negara sosialis dan mendorong masyarakat ke arah komunisme.

Dipimpin oleh Lenin, kaum Bolshevik menghapuskan pemerintahan sementara dan meninggalkan segala usaha demokrasi. Pada bulan Mac 1918, mereka menandatangani perjanjian dengan Kuasa Pusat untuk mengakhiri penglibatan Rusia dalam Perang Dunia I - perjanjian hukuman yang menyerahkan sepertiga dari penduduk dan tanah pertanian Rusia dan sebahagian besar sumbernya ke Jerman. (Lihat bagaimana Nat Geo menangkap kebangkitan dan kejatuhan Kesatuan Soviet.)

Ini mengintensifkan perang saudara yang berkembang pesat antara Bolshevik, yang disebut The Reds, dan gerakan pembangkang yang luas yang dikenal sebagai orang Putih, yang merangkumi golongan elit, anggota tentera, dan orang-orang yang ingin kembali ke monarki atau demokrasi. Pada awal perang saudara pada awal tahun 1918, orang-orang Putih telah melancarkan serangkaian pembalasan ganas yang dikenali sebagai Keganasan Putih, membunuh puluhan ribu. Tetapi di sebalik pembunuhan itu — dan campur tangan bekas sekutu Rusia seperti Perancis dan Britain, yang berharap dapat mencegah penyebaran komunisme — orang kulit putih berjuang menentang Tentera Merah yang baru dibentuk.

Kemudian, pada 30 Ogos 1918, Lenin ditembak setelah memberi ucapan di sebuah kilang. Walaupun masih belum diketahui siapa yang melakukan percobaan pembunuhan itu, perbuatan itu dijatuhkan pada Fanny Kaplan, seorang revolusi muda Yahudi yang ditangkap setelah siasatan oleh Cheka, polis rahsia Bolshevik. Ketika Lenin pulih di hospital, dia menulis kepada salah seorang koperasi, memberitahunya bahawa "Ini perlu diam-diam - dan segera- untuk mempersiapkan keganasan. "

Itu adalah isyarat untuk memulai kempen penindasan brutal terhadap "musuh kelas" Bolshevik - siapa pun yang disyaki bersekutu dengan orang kulit putih. Dikenal sebagai Keganasan Merah, kempen itu mempunyai dua tujuan: menyingkirkan musuh-musuh Bolshevik, dan melukis Bolshevik sebagai pembela kelas pekerja. The Red Terror menjadi dasar rasmi negara pada 5 September 1918.

"Kami tidak berperang melawan individu," kata pemimpin Cheka, Martyn Latsis. "Kami memusnahkan borjuasi sebagai kelas." Dia mendorong sesama anggota Cheka untuk menyerang orang-orang yang disyaki bersimpati dengan borjuasi dan bukannya mencari bukti bahawa mereka sebenarnya telah bertindak menentang Soviet. Dalam beberapa bulan, Cheka membunuh sekurang-kurangnya 10,000 orang. Ribuan lagi ditempatkan di kem-kem yang dibubarkan dalam pembunuhan beramai-ramai.

Angka kematian Teror Merah mungkin jauh lebih besar - oleh beberapa akaun, sehingga 1.3 juta mungkin menjadi korbannya. Namun, kerana kerahsiaan, penapisan, dan sifat ringkas dari banyak pelaksanaan, sejauh mana sebenarnya Pengganas Merah mungkin tidak akan diketahui.

Ketika Bolshevik muncul sebagai pemenang dari perang saudara pada tahun 1921, pengganas Merah secara teknikalnya berakhir. Tetapi keganasan itu merupakan pendahuluan dan penindasan selama puluhan tahun di Soviet Soviet. The Terror Terror meletakkan asas untuk pembersihan politik dan eksekusi besar-besaran pada tahun 1930-an di bawah pengganti Lenin Joseph Stalin, di mana sehingga tiga juta "musuh" parti terbunuh. Kem konsentrasi adalah pendahulu gulag Soviet, kem buruh paksa di mana Stalin memperbudak puluhan juta orang Rusia dari tahun 1929 hingga 1953. Dan Cheka akhirnya menjadi KGB, badan perisik yang ditakuti A.S.R. (Baca mengapa pemuda Rusia hari ini mendambakan kestabilan yang diwakili oleh Putin.)

The Terror Terror memetakan kursus mengerikan untuk Rusia. Bagi kaum Bolshevik, penindasan secara menyeluruh dibenarkan sebagai alat yang memantapkan kekuatan politik dan memajukan tujuan sosialisme. Dan itu memberikan pelajaran yang tajam kepada mereka yang mungkin menentang rejim. "Intimidasi adalah senjata dasar yang kuat," tulis Leon Trotsky, pemimpin Tentera Merah dan operasi kanan Lenin. "Revolusi ... membunuh individu, dan mengintimidasi ribuan."


Lenin Melancarkan Rusia Lagi

Pada 12 Disember 1907, Lenin melarikan diri dari Rusia untuk kali kedua.

Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, yang lebih dikenali sebagai Lenin, mencapai pengaruh luar biasa di negara asalnya setelah lima belas tahun dan lebih jauh dari itu pada usia tiga puluhan dan empat puluhan. Di luar negeri, selamat dari pihak berkuasa Tsar, dia mengembangkan idea dan strategi yang akan menjadikannya menguasai Rusia. Dilahirkan pada tahun 1870 di kota provinsi Simbirsk yang tenang, dia berasal dari keluarga yang kaya dan terhormat dari keturunan Yahudi dan Rusia campuran, yang beragama Kristian dan anggota Gereja Ortodoks Rusia.

Ayahnya, yang meninggal ketika Vladimir yang masih muda, adalah seorang pegawai pemerintah dalam perkhidmatan pendidikan. Pada tahun berikutnya, 1887, saudara lelaki sulung Vladimir, Alexander digantung kerana terlibat dalam rancangan bom untuk membunuh Tsar Alexander III. Kejadian inilah yang sepertinya telah menjadikan Vladimir pada karier revolusionernya dan berjuta-juta buku sekolah Soviet kemudiannya akan menunjukkan lukisannya yang mengatakan 'Kita akan mengikuti jalan yang berbeza' ketika dia dan ibunya bersedih atas kematian Alexander.

Vladimir pergi ke Universiti Kazan, di mana dia menggunakan Marxisme sebagai jalan yang berbeda, membuat dirinya terganggu dalam tunjuk perasaan pelajar dan diusir. Dia kemudian masuk ke Universiti St Petersburg, lulus dalam bidang undang-undang dan mula berlatih di daerah miskin. Pengalaman itu membuat dia tidak senang dengan pengacara seumur hidup, tetapi dia terutama terlibat dalam kegiatan revolusi menentang rejim Tsar dan pada tahun 1895 ditangkap, ditahan selama lebih dari satu tahun dan kemudian diasingkan selama tiga tahun ke Shushenskoe, sebuah desa di Siberia, di mana dia bermain dengan revolusi lain dan menghabiskan sebahagian besar waktunya untuk berburu, berenang dan berjalan-jalan di negara. Pada tahun 1898 dia berkahwin dengan Nadezhda Krupskaya dan pada tahun 1900 dibebaskan dari pengasingan dan mula melakukan perjalanan di Rusia dan seluruh Eropah. Dengan menikmati banyak wang dari harta pusaka keluarga dan sumbangan dari para simpatisan, dia hidup dalam jangka masa yang panjang di Switzerland, Jerman, Austria dan Inggeris.

Di London pada tahun 1903 Lenin memimpin puak Bolshevik ('Majoriti') menentang kaum Menshevik ('Minoriti') dalam perpecahan yang akan memusnahkan Parti Buruh Sosial Demokratik Rusia. Dia memainkan peranan kecil dalam revolusi pengguguran tahun 1905, yang bermula di St Petersburg pada bulan Januari. Lenin tinggal di luar negara, tidak kembali ke Rusia hingga November dan kemudian tetap berada di latar belakang, tetapi polis mengejarnya dan dia dan Krupskaya harus bersembunyi. Mereka menghabiskan sebahagian besar tahun 1906 dan 1907 antara Rusia dan Finland dan pada akhir 1907 Lenin melarikan diri dari Rusia untuk kali kedua, ke Stockholm, Berlin dan Geneva.

Lenin dan Krupskaya tinggal di Switzerland ketika revolusi 1917 di Rusia dan penggulingan Tsar Nicholas II membuatnya menyedari bahawa dia mesti kembali ke Rusia atau berisiko tersisih dari perkembangan di sana. Pemerintah Jerman, yang berperang dengan Rusia, memutuskan untuk menghantar Lenin pulang dengan kereta api melalui Jerman dengan perbelanjaan Jerman - seperti kuman wabak dalam bekas tertutup, dalam perumpamaan terkenal - untuk membantu menimbulkan kerusuhan politik yang merosakkan di Rusia. Dari Jerman Lenin pergi ke Sweden dengan menaiki feri. Makan malam diadakan untuk menghormatinya oleh demokrat sosial Sweden di hotel Regina di Stockholm dan dia memberikan wawancara di akhbar. Dia tiba dengan kereta api di stesen Finland di Petrograd pada bulan April. Lawan-lawannya menuduhnya sebagai ejen Jerman yang dibayar, yang benar-benar seperti dia, dan setelah kemenangan Bolshevik dilakukan dengan bersungguh-sungguh usaha untuk menulis semula cerita dan menghapus bukti pembayaran Jerman kepadanya.


Bagaimana Lenin merancang untuk menerapkan Marxisme ke Rusia?

Salah satu pendorong di sebalik kemenangan Bolshevik & rsquo di Rusia adalah propaganda mereka. Dan karya Vladimir Lenin adalah intinya. Sebagai pengikut ajaran Karl Marx, Lenin mempunyai rancangan tertentu untuk pembangunan Rusia selepas Revolusi.

Harap diingat bahawa dalam artikel ini, kami menawarkan versi falsafah Leninis dan Marxis yang dapat difahami dan tepat - bukan analisis yang menyeluruh.

Bagaimana Marxisme melihat masyarakat berkembang

Dalam karya semantiknya & lsquoCapital & rsquo, Karl Marx menghuraikan teori pembentukan sosio-ekonomi. Pembentukan ini adalah jenis masyarakat, yang dibezakan dengan cara pemilikan, yang menurut Marx saling mengikuti, mematuhi undang-undang evolusi sosial dan sejarah (sebagaimana yang dilihat oleh Marx).

Masyarakat prasejarah diikuti oleh ekonomi hamba, kemudian masyarakat feudal, yang berkembang menjadi masyarakat kapitalis. Masyarakat kapitalis membentuk kelas & mengalahkan borjuasi dan proletariat. Walaupun borjuasi memiliki alat produksi dan mengumpulkan hasil, proletariat ditindas. Nah, apa & rsquos seterusnya?

Vladimir Lenin di Zakopane, Poland, 1914

Teori Karl Marx & rsquos dikembangkan pada pertengahan abad ke-19, dengan Vladimir Lenin membangunnya pada awal abad ke-20 dengan tujuan praktikal: untuk merebut kuasa di Rusia. Dalam karya-karyanya, Lenin mengusulkan tindakan segera dan ganas untuk menyalakan revolusi proletar.

Setelah kegagalan Revolusi Perancis 1848 (akhirnya, monarki dipulihkan), Karl Marx menjadi penyokong idea bahawa hanya kerjasama dan tindakan undang-undang proletariat yang dapat menyebabkan pembentukan pemerintahan yang benar-benar demokratik. Dalam kata pengantar penerbitan semula Karl Marx & rsquos & lsquo pada tahun 1895, Perjuangan Kelas di Perancis, 1848-1850 & rsquo, Friedrich Engels menulis: & ldquo Masa revolusi, yang dilakukan oleh penyitaan kuasa secara tiba-tiba oleh minoriti kecil yang sedar di kepala massa yang tidak sedar, telah lulus. & rdquo

Lenin & rsquos versi Marxisme

Vladimir Lenin bercakap di Moscow

Vladimir Lenin, sebaliknya, berpendapat bahawa revolusi proletar mesti menghancurkan masyarakat kapitalis, dan bahawa ia mesti dilaksanakan oleh sekelompok kecil orang. Dalam pemikiran ini dia mengikuti orang Rusia narodniks, dan khususnya, Pyotr Tkachev, yang menulis: & ldquoOrang-orang, yang dibiarkan sendiri, tidak dapat melakukan revolusi sosial. Hanya kita, minoriti revolusioner, yang dapat melakukan ini, dan kita mesti melakukannya secepat mungkin. & Rdquo

& ldquoBerikan kami organisasi revolusioner, dan kami akan membalikkan Rusia! & rdquo Lenin menulis pada tahun 1902 dalam risalah & lsquoApa Yang Perlu Dilakukan? & rsquo. Dan pada tahun 1903, semasa Kongres ke-2 Parti Buruh Sosial Demokratik Rusia di Brussels, dia telah berbicara tentang penubuhan pemerintahan diktator proletar & ndash keadaan semasa kelas pekerja memegang kuasa politik. Pada pandangan Lenin & rsquos, hasil ini hanya dapat ditentukan oleh Parti Komunis.

Marx beranggapan bahawa revolusi sosialis hanya dapat menang di negara-negara industri yang sangat maju, di mana terdapat banyak pekerja yang teratur dan sedar, yang dapat bekerjasama dan berunding dengan pihak berkuasa. Lenin dengan keras kepala menyatakan bahawa proletariat mesti memperjuangkan kekuasaan di semua negara. Pada bulan April 1917, semasa pergolakan Revolusi Rusia, Lenin kembali ke Petrograd dari Eropah dan menerbitkan & lsquoApril Theses & rsquo & ndash arahan untuk Parti Bolshevik mengenai tindakan segera mereka di Rusia.

Ideologi Lenin & rsquos sebelum dan sesudah revolusi

Vladimir Lenin semasa rapat umum

Dalam Theses, Lenin menegaskan bahawa & ldquoRussia sedang beralih ke tahap kedua revolusi, yang harus meletakkan kekuasaan di tangan proletariat dan sekelompok kaum miskin yang paling miskin. & Rdquo Dia juga menyeru "sebuah republik Soviet Pekerja", Wakil Pekerja Pertanian dan Petani di seluruh negara, dari atas ke bawah. " Setelah perampasan kuasa, Lenin menuntut pembubaran tentera, polis dan penjawat awam sama sekali.

Malah Parti Bolshevik, Leon Trotsky menulis, & ldquowas dikawal oleh Lenin. tidak ada perdebatan, semua orang terpegun dengan radikalisme tuntutannya. Penghentian perang segera, pemberian tanah kepada petani dan nasionalisasi industri terpenting juga terdapat dalam program Lenin & rsquos.

Seperti yang kita ketahui, setelah revolusi Bolshevik 1917 yang terjadi pada 25 Oktober (7 November Gaya Baru) 1917, kaum Bolshevik membubarkan alat negara lama, menasionalisasi tanah, kilang, lombong, kereta api, dan alat pengeluaran lain. Kerajaan baru akan didasarkan pada kekuatan Soviet & dewan pekerja & rsquo yang mewakili kehendak rakyat. Badan tertinggi pemerintahan adalah Kongres Soviet All-Russian.

Vladimir Lenin sebagai Pengerusi Majlis Komisaris Rakyat yang pertama

Tetapi dalam keadaan yang berlaku pada waktu itu, semua kuasa secara semula jadi dirampas oleh Jawatankuasa Eksekutif Pusat Semua-Rusia & ndash dewan kecil anggota tertinggi Parti Bolshevik yang, menurut Perlembagaan Soviet Rusia tahun 1918, bekerja tanpa pengawasan dari mana-mana badan lain. Dewan Komisaris Rakyat, pemerintah baru, sebenarnya tunduk pada keputusan Jawatankuasa Eksekutif Pusat yang dapat membatalkan keputusan yang dibuat oleh Majlis Komisaris Rakyat.

Setelah mendapat kuasa di Rusia, Vladimir Lenin dan rakan-rakan Bolshevik terdekatnya dengan cepat membangun struktur pemerintahan otoriter untuk membantu memerangi gerakan Monarki dan campur tangan, dan untuk mengawal ekonomi yang runtuh.

Lenin sangat konsisten dalam ideologi dan tindakannya & nash dia mencipta diktator proletariat, tetapi membina tempat untuk dirinya sendiri, dan seterusnya, Stalin, sebagai diktator dalam skema ini.

Sekiranya menggunakan kandungan Russia Beyond, sebahagian atau keseluruhan, selalu berikan pautan hiper aktif ke bahan asal.


Revolusi Bolshevik

Sumber dalam Kisah ini

Pemerintahan sementara tidak teratur, tidak berkesan dan berkeras untuk kekal dalam Perang Dunia I atas bantahan masyarakat Rusia. Lenin & rsquos Bolshevik mewakili penentangan yang paling ketara terhadap pemerintah dan mendapat sokongan pekerja.

Lenin dan Bolshevik bertengkar dengan pemerintahan sementara yang semakin tidak popular pada musim panas. Pada bulan Julai, pekerja dan tentera Petrograd & rsquos melakukan rusuhan dan, sebagai tindak balas, pemerintah memerintahkan penangkapan pemimpin Bolshevik. Lenin melarikan diri ke Finland.

Pada bulan Oktober 1917, Lenin kembali ke Petrograd untuk memimpin apa yang dikenali sebagai Revolusi Bolshevik atau Revolusi Oktober. Pada malam 7 November, kaum Bolshevik merampas Istana Musim Sejuk kekaisaran dan menggulingkan pemerintahan sementara. Mereka menerapkan peraturan sosialis, meletakkan bank, kilang dan ladang negara di bawah kawalan pemerintah.

Sebagai Ketua Majlis Komisaris Rakyat, Lenin menjadi ketua negara baru, yang akan menjadi Kesatuan Soviet pada tahun berikutnya.


Semasa Lenin Kembali

Edward Crankshaw, Pengarang dan sejarawan Inggeris, pertama kali mengunjungi Soviet Rusia sebagai anggota Misi Tentera British ke Moscow semasa perang dia kembali lagi pada tahun 1947 sebagai penulis untuk Pemerhati London dan dalam dua lawatan tugas ini, dia membuat pemerhatian dan membuat kesimpulan yang membawa kepada dua bukunya yang berwibawa, Rusia dan Rusia dan Keretakan di Tembok Kremlin. Ketika diminta untuk menentukan saat yang paling menentukan dalam karier Lenin, Mr. Crankshaw memilih tanpa ragu-ragu beberapa hari pertama ketika, setelah lama diasingkan, Lenin kembali untuk mengambil arah Revolusi.

Lenin akan mengatakan tidak ada titik balik dalam hidupnya, dia akan mengatakan bahwa dia mengikuti garis lurus, tanpa ragu, dari awal kesadaran politiknya hingga saat kematiannya. Dan ini benar. Tidak ada titik tolak kerana ketika krisis tertinggi Lenin, di bawah tekanan yang luar biasa, meneruskan garis lurus namun belum putus.

Rakyat Rusia mahukan revolusi. Ia mesti datang. What they meant by revolution was the overthrow of an inept and suffocating tyranny and its substitution by some more liberal system. The Provisional Government, if it had immediately sued for peace with Germany and shown more activity about the redistribution of land, could have remained in power, leading Russia into some kind of democratic system. But because it held to the war, as an obligation because it knew it would depend in future on the favors of the Entente and because it was patriotic, it could not begin to alleviate the misery of the people, greatly aggravated by the war. It was this misery which Lenin deliberately set himself out to exploit.

He was not, he never pretended to be, an original thinker. From the moment of his discovery of Marx at Kazan University his way was clear. Russia had to have revolution. In this he was at one with the whole of the Russian intelligentsia. The only proper way to bring about revolution was the Marxist way. Revolution in Russia would have to be made by the urban proletariat and the rural proletariat of the poorest peasants, led by professional revolutionaries who understood what was going on. All this was common ground with all the Marxist parties. And, indeed, it is no use looking for the secret of Leninism in any particular theory.

His whole contribution was to practice. Marx for him was a blueprint, a guide to action. The fundamental point was the dictatorship of the proletariat. The enemy was liberal reformism. The proletariat had to be educated and raised up politically to the level of a handful of professional revolutionaries, who could not possibly alone produce a revolution. Anything that in any way debilitated the strength of the professional hard core was anathema. And what debilitated was not wrong theory but mistaken strategy and tactics. The word for mistake was compromise. Thus the criticism which dwells on Lenin's theoretical inconsistencies misses the point. He was inconsistent. He appealed to Marx as the fundamentalist appeals to the Bible. He had a single burning idea: to bring the Marxist revolution to the world and to Russia. His approach to this problem was the approach not of the revolutionary theorist, like Trotsky, like the Mensheviks, like most of his Bolshevik colleagues, but of the self-made, practical statesman. His political sense found the proper tactics and strategy. His knowledge of Marx then found the text to support his action. His will and personality carried him through. His quarrels with his closest colleagues of the Social Democratic Party were invariably quarrels about tactics and strategy, not about theory: how best to further the Marxist revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat, in the shortest possible time. He found the way. But others, like Trotsky, like Martov oven, were the more correct Marxists.

Behind him, Lenin swung into line a vast and primitive country of 150 million souls. Those who held out against the swing were broken. It was a one-man performance unique in the history of the world. The crisis, when, according to all possible calculations, Lenin had to give way or be broken, began late at night on April 16, 1917. He took it at a trot, apparently quite unaware that he was doing anything out of the ordinary.

He took it at a trot quite literally. For eight days, cooped up with an assortment of exiled comrades, he had been traveling across Europe in the famous sealed train from Zurich. For anybody but Lenin those days would have been solemn with soul-searching the professional revolutionary, trained and self-disciplined and dedicated for years to the moment of action, cast off and toiling ceaselessly in the squalor of foreign exile to keep his comrades up to the mark, was going home to put his ideas into practice. The long, fantastic train journey, arranged by the German government, which saw in this obscure fanatic one more bacillus to let loose in tottering and exhausted Russia to spread infection, was an opportunity for stocktaking of the most elaborate kind. But to Lenin it was merely a slow and tedious way of getting on with the job.

He had been at the job for years. He had been under pressure for years. For years his task had been not to preach revolution but to keep the preachers of revolution up to the mark, so that when the day came they would know what to do. For years he had worked in exile because the police would not let him work in Russia. Now that it was possible to go back to Russia, there was the difficulty of crossing enemy territory. He had thought of every conceivable means and had to abandon plan after plan, until a Swedish Social Democrat had persuaded the German government to put him on a train.

He felt no gratitude. Since the first news of the revolution had reached him in his dismal lodgings in Zurich he had lived for this day, which had now, miraculously, come. Another man would have been betrayed into expressing emotion in the first relief of tension. But not Lenin. Nobody knows what he felt in his heart, but he gave nothing away. He accepted the German offer as his right: they were not doing it for love of him but out of sheer self-interest—as well they might, seeing that he was going back to Russia to end the war! And, while they were about it, there were certain conditions he required them to observe, if he was going to honor them by traveling in their train. He laid down the conditions, like a conqueror and they were accepted.

So he embarked, with thirty-five fellow revolutionaries, as the most natural thing in the world. The train journey was simply a hiatus in his work. He was fairly certain that he would be arrested the moment he set foot in Russia and he spent some time preparing a speech in his defense, which he discussed with his comrades.

About Lenin's personal emotions we know nothing. Indeed, the deeper we go into the existing accounts of his life the more glaring becomes the almost total absence of any information which throws light on his state of mind at any given time.

It is tempting to conclude that he had no emotional life but it would not be true. Nadezhda Konstantinova Krupskaya, his wife, the companion of his lifetime, his fellow revolutionary, tells us what little we know and it is enough to show that he was no automaton. From time to time in her memoirs we learn that Ilych was withdrawn, moody, cast down, or in high spirits. From time to time the two of them, usually for Krupskaya's health, would go off into the mountains to be alone with nature, which Ilych loved. He liked hunting in Siberia, and once let a fox, which he should have shot, go off unhurt "because it was so beautiful." He would listen to music, and above all he loved the Appassionata Sonata of Beethoven.

He read other things besides revolutionary philosophy and blue books. Particularly in the last days of Swiss exile, with the world at war all around him, he gave more time to the novels he loved Krupskaya says he had "mellowed" at this time. Nobody knew anything about this. Krupskaya tells how when she was first introduced to Lenin she was told he had never read a novel or a poem in his life. It was much later that she discovered, with surprise (the surprise is characteristic), that in fact he was as well read in the classics as she herself. He read them all again in Siberia. But the world did not know.

The world knew practically nothing. As a child he had respected and admired his brother Alexander, who was hanged for his part in the attempted assassination of the Tsar. That respect and admiration was reciprocated, but, said Alexander, "we do not understand each other." His schoolmasters did not understand him either. The headmaster of his school, none other than the father of Kerensky, whom Lenin was one day to overthrow, did his best for the boy, but complained of his excessive reserve and unsociability. He had "a distant manner even with people he knows and even with the most superior of his schoolmates."

Later on he was to develop an extreme sociability. But it was the sociability of the great headmaster, in Edmund Wilson's phrase. There is no record of any conversation at all with Lenin that was not about the coming revolution, how to make it come, and how best to equip the party to be fit and well and mentally trim for the fight. So he went on being reserved. Perhaps his friendship with Maxim Gorki was his only safety valve. Only with Gorki did Lenin ever allow political differences to be overridden by personal warmth. There is also one note to Kamenev, written when Lenin had to go into hiding after the "July Days," when the Provisional Government put its ban on him. "Entre nous," he wrote, "if they bump me off I ask you to publish my little notebook Marxism on the State (stranded in Stockholm). Bound in a blue cover . . . . There is a whole series of notes and comments. Formulate it. I think you could publish it with a week's work. I think it is important, for it is not only Plekhanov and Kautsky who have got off the track. My conditions: all this to be absolutely entre nous."

In that little note, forced out of him by an extreme emergency—for the agitation against Lenin as an alleged German agent was then formidable and dangerous—we see perfectly expressed the familiar character, while for once we are permitted a glimpse of the human feelings beneath the normally unflawed reserve.

"All the writing of Lenin is functional it is all aimed at accomplishing an immediate purpose," said Wilson. This was true of his whole way of living. For the sake of an immediate purpose he ruthlessly cut across old friendships without the least apparent hesitation or regret and in his public attacks on men who had been his devoted comrades the day before, he employed for the first time that crudely savage invective, the "robber-cannibal" style which has since become the dreary idiom of the Communist Party everywhere. But Krupskaya tells enough to show that he often felt regret. His recurrent joy when Martov, the Monshevik leader whom he loved, returned to the straight and narrow path of Leninism (only to stray again) is proof of this. There is more in Lenin's welcome than the delight of "I told you so!" He knew feelings of tenderness what he lacked was a sense of doubt. He loved people, thus, with a perfect detachment, as one loves a dog or a pet rabbit. There was no sharing in his love.

Never, at any time, did it occur to him that he might be wrong and others right. Various contemporaries commented on the extreme sensitiveness with which he entered into others' feelings. But it is to be doubted whether he was capable of this. He was considerate to a degree when consideration was politically permissible. There was a deep fund of kindness, which he would switch off when it was politically desirable to do so but it was kindness from outside. It was the kindness of the man who does not like hurting animals but will kill them, as painlessly as possible, if they happen to get in his way. This has nothing to do with the kindness of understanding.

He was also a romantic of sorts, and naïve. His attraction to the Appassionata Sonata is a clue to this so is the way in which he glorified his own Machiavellianism and the squalor of the poor émigré's existence. He romanticized his own ascetism. Krupskaya tells how "Ilych was delighted" because one of their Zurich landladies, in a house frequented by thieves and prostitutes, gave them their coffee in cups with broken handles. But it is clear that, whatever Krupskaya may have thought, Ilych did not like cups with broken handles. These for him symbolized, the renunciation of a sensitive and fastidious soul. When Kollontai extolled the merits of free love she said that sexual satisfaction was of no more account than drinking a cup of cold water. When this was reported to Lenin he flashed out: "That may be. But who wants to drink out of a cup that has been used by many others?"

By the time of his recall to Russia, Lenin was disciplined absolutely to impersonality, so that it had become his real nature. Because of this I say that he hardly knew what he was doing, or that he was facing the supreme crisis of his life. The journey in the sealed train was a hiatus. His response to the challenge of the revolution had been immediate and direct, like a reflex action. While others rushed round with loud shouts of joy, Lenin sat down then and there and composed a telegram of admonition to the Petrograd Bolsheviks. While others were seeking solidarity with all revolutionary elements, Lenin yelled across Europe the slogan of absolute exclusiveness. "Never again along the lines of the Second International! Never again with Kautsky!" he wrote to Kollontai in Stockholm. And in his telegram: "Our tactic absolute lack of confidence no support to the new government suspect Kerensky especially arming of the proletariat the sole guarantee immediate elections to the Petrograd Duma no rapprochement with other parties." And then again, when he heard that the Provisional Government, supported by some Social Democrats, was for continuing the war, "the imperialist war," and calling it a "war of defense": "Our party would disgrace itself for ever, kill itself politically, if it took part in such deceit. . . . I would choose an immediate split with no matter whom in our party, rather than surrender to social patriotism."

In Petrograd these words seemed to Lenin's foes the shrill cries of a madman to his friends the ravings of a man who had been out of touch for too long. What did Lenin know of the revolution? How could he possibly understand the power and glory of the tremendous upsurge, which he was now asking the Bolsheviks to cold-shoulder? When he arrived he would begin to understand and see things differently. The first task was to defend the revolution against all attacks from outside. Then they could think again.

But Lenin was arriving to go on saying what he had been saying for years, what he had already said in those first letters and telegrams. Already, in these and in articles for Pravda, he had laid down what Trotsky was to call "a finished analysis of the Revolutionary situation." But to those on the spot this analysis seemed irrelevant and absurd. Of the Petrograd Bolsheviks, curiously, only the young Molotov, then in his twenties and quite obscure, had grasped what Lenin was really after. When the revolution hit Russia he was editing Pravda and keeping it on Leninist lines. Then Kamenev and Stalin came back from exile in Siberia and took over from Molotov. When, in Stockholm, Lenin got hold of some copies of Pravda and read the editorials, he was horrified it was indeed high time to go back. And when at the Russian frontier Kamenev and Stalin were there to meet him, ready for an affecting welcome, Lenin's first words were: "What's this you've been writing in Pravda? We've just seen some numbers, and we gave you what for!" Krupskaya was so moved by his returning home that she could not speak to the crowd that gathered round. But Lenin found no difficulty in speaking—or in cutting short his speech when the train pulled out. "Are they going to arrest us when they get to Petrograd?" he asked. The welcoming delegation smiled. That question showed, if nothing else did, how much Comrade Vladimir Ilych was out of touch. Within three months Lenin was in hiding for his life. That showed how much the comrades had been out of touch.

Then came the great arrival. At the Finland Station the revolutionaries had taken over the Tsars' waiting room. There they waited with a bouquet and speeches for Lenin. We have this scene from Sukhanov, a non-party Menshevik sympathizer, whom Lenin would not have allowed within speaking distance of his Bolsheviks, but whom his Bolsheviks had taken up as a friend. It was to have been an affecting scene of welcome and reconciliation—and it was to put Lenin in his place, as the respected émigré leader out of touch with the realities of Russian life, who would have to learn to walk all over again before he could run. The head of the welcoming committee was Chkheidze, one of the leading Mensheviks, and it was to Chkheidze that Lenin came at a trot.

"Lenin walked, or rather ran, into the 'Czar's Room' in a bowler hat, his face chilled, and a sumptuous bouquet in his arms. Hurrying in to the middle of the room, he stopped short in front of Chkheidze as though he had run into a completely unexpected obstacle. And then Chkheidze, not abandoning his melancholy attitude, pronounced the following 'speech of welcome,' carefully preserving not only the spirit and the letter, but also the tone of a moral preceptor: 'Comrade Lenin, in the name of the Petrograd Soviet and the whole revolution, we welcome you to Russia . . . tetapi we consider that the chief task of the revolutionary democracy at present is to defend our revolution against every kind of attack both from within and without. . . . We hope that you will join us in striving towards this goal.' Chkheidze ceased. I was dismayed by the unexpectedness of it. But Lenin, it seemed, knew how to deal with all that. He stood there looking as though what was happening did not concern him in the least, glanced from one side to the other, looked over the surrounding public, and even examined the ceiling of the 'Czar's Room' while rearranging the bouquet (which harmonized rather badly with his whole figure), and, finally, having turned completely away from the delegates of the Executive Committee, he 'answered' thus: 'Dear Comrades, soldiers, sailors and workers, I am happy to greet you in the name of the victorious Russian Revolution, to greet you as the advance guard of the international proletarian army. . . . The hour is not far off when, at the summons of our Comrade Karl Liebknecht, the people [of Germany] will turn their weapons against their capitalist exploiters. . . . The Russian Revolution achieved by you has opened a new epoch. Long live the worldwide socialist revolution!'

That was the beginning. "Thus," to quote Trotsky, "the February revolution, garrulous and flabby and still rather stupid, greeted the man who had arrived with a resolute determination to set it straight both in thought and in will. Those first impressions, multiplying tenfold the alarm which he had brought with him, produced a feeling of protest in Lenin which it was difficult to restrain. How much more satisfactory to roll up his sleeves! Appealing from Chkheidze to the sailors and workers, from the defence of the Fatherland to the international revolution, from the Provisional Government to Liebknecht, Lenin merely gave a short rehearsal there at the station of his whole future policy."

The policy came next day, after further rehearsals. That same night he made a little speech to the revolutionary guard of honor on the platform, spotlighted by searchlights, the sailors standing at attention: "Comrade sailors, I greet you without knowing yet whether or not you have been believing in all the promises of the Provisional Government. But I am convinced that when they talk to you sweetly, when they promise you a lot, they are deceiving you and the whole Russian people. The people need peace the people need bread the people need land. And they give you war, hunger, no bread—leave the landlords still on the land. . . . We must fight for the social revolution, fight to the end, till the complete victory of the proletariat. Long live the world-wide social revolution!"

They put him in an armored car and drove him in triumph through cheering crowds to the Kshesinskaya Palace, the gorgeous mansion of the prima ballerina who had been the Tsar's mistress. Krupskaya was overcome by the tumultuous scene. "Those who have not lived through the revolution cannot imagine its grand and solemn beauty." Everybody was overcome, caught up in the tremendous release of primitive power, eager to see brotherhood and concord as the future state of all those who had helped pull down the Tsar. Only Lenin was not overcome. With his speech to the sailors under the searchlights on the Finland Station he had called for a new revolution: a revolution against the Provisional Government. And he went on calling. He spoke from Kshesinskaya Palace. To the mob he gave no rest. They were pleased with themselves for what they had done. Lenin told them it was not enough. To his fellow revolutionary leaders he brought a shock of reality and a sense of dismay.

And next day he made a formal speech to a meeting inside the Palace which lasted two hours.

"On the journey here with my comrades I was expecting they would take us directly from the station to Peter and Paul. We are far from that, it seems. But let us not give up the hope that it will happen, that we shall not escape it." From savage irony, directed at those who thought they could come to a compromise with the liberals and the capitalists in the Provisional Government, he went on to the downright expression of views which seemed to his audience to have no connection at all with what was really happening. They were as pleased with their revolution as a dog with two tails. They thought they had done wonderfully well. And here was Lenin, who had watched all from the safety of Switzerland, throwing it in their teeth—not a word of congratulation or praise, just scathing contempt, like a lash. And in its place? Here again, Sukhanov:—

"He swept aside agrarian reforms, along with all the other policies of the Soviet. He demanded that the peasants should themselves organize and seize the land without any governmental interference. We don't need any parliamentary republic. We don't need any bourgeois democracy. We don't need any government except the Soviet of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies.'"

The audience felt they had been hit over the head. Next day came the celebrated April Theses. In Trotsky's summary: "The republic which has issued from the February revolution is not our republic, and the war which it is waging is not our war. The task of the Bolsheviks is to overthrow the imperialist government. But this government rests upon the support of the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, who in turn are supported by the trustfulness of the masses of the people. We are in the minority. In these circumstances there can be no talk of violence on our side. We must teach the masses not to trust the compromisers and defensists. 'We must patiently explain!' The success of this policy, dictated by the whole existing situation, is assured, and it will bring us to the dictatorship of the proletariat, and so beyond the boundaries of the bourgeois regime. We will break absolutely with capital, publish its secret treaties, and summon the workers of the whole world to cast loose from the bourgeoisie and put an end to the war. We are beginning the international revolution. Only its success will confirm, our success, and guarantee a transition to the socialist regime."

Lenin was alone. The April Theses were offered in his name. They infuriated the Mensheviks and drove many Bolsheviks into the Menshevik camp. He did not mind. "Do not be afraid to remain in a minority." And he proposed a formal break with the Mensheviks. He would no longer share with them the name of Social Democrat. "Personally, and speaking for myself alone, I propose that we change the name of our party, that we call it the Communist Party." Not one of the members of the conference agreed to that final break with the Second International, which had betrayed itself when its members voted war credits to their own government in 1914. "You are afraid to go back on your old memories?" he jeered. "Don't hang on to an old word which is rotten through and through. Have the will to build a new party . . . and all the oppressed will come to you."

"Have the will to build a new party," this extraordinary man demanded in the moment of the party's triumph. Six months later the deed was done, but not before Lenin himself had been driven into hiding to escape from Peter and Paul.

How was it done? What was it all about?

The October revolution was produced by the impact of two distinct forces. One was immense, undisciplined, unsettled as to purpose, and a mass of contradictions the other compact, maneuverable, and single-minded. One was the people of Russia in revolt, who in March had overthrown the Tsar the other was the extreme left wing of a single revolutionary party among many, the Bolshevik wing of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. At the moment of crisis this party was reduced for all practical purposes to a single individual, Vladimir Ilych Lenin, born Ulyanov, who had made Bolshevism, sustained it, preserved its inviolability against bitter odds, identified it absolutely with himself, and yet, on the eve of its triumph, was on the verge of resigning from it. The Bolshevik Party in crisis was nothing but Lenin's will and the men who were prepared to submit to it absolutely. If Lenin had resigned after his return to Russia in 1917 it would have lost its identity, swallowed up by the Mensheviks and the "Compromisers." Lenin would have formed another party, but too late to win for himself the government of Russia there would have been no Soviet Union. On the other hand, had Lenin given in to the popular demand and allowed his most trusted colleagues to persuade him into compromise, he would have lost his own identity and Bolshevism would have lost its meaning there would have been no Soviet Union. Lenin made his unbelievable stand when he trotted into the Finland Station in his bowler hat and found himself face to face with Chkheidze.

It was Lenin's personality and tactical skill alone which enabled him, in the name of Marx, to make skilled Marxists follow him against the teachings of Marx. He did this, in the end, by the means he outlined in the April Theses. In the suffering and confusion of revolutionary Russia he held aloof from those who were trying to make the revolution work. He harassed them and embarrassed them with absolute ruthlessness. He appealed to the people, the workers, the soldiers, the peasants, for whom generations of revolutionary intelligentsia had sacrificed themselves, over the heads of the men who had at last helped the people, the workers, the soldiers, and the peasants, to carry out the revolution. He appealed to their most selfish instincts: the desire for bread, for land, for peace. And, in the end, he got them on his side sufficiently to overthrow the government of Petrograd. For this he substituted the dictatorship of the proletariat, which meant, in effect, the dictatorship of Lenin's will.

He was a man selfless and without ambition. Beliau betul-betul lacking in imagination. He loved the people as animals, not as people. He pitied them, but he did not respect them. He was, in the last degree, a sentimentalist. He wanted to save the people from the dreadful tyranny of the Tsars—but in his way and no other. His way held the seeds of another tyranny. He did not see this. If he had been able to see this, he would not have had the superhuman single-mindedness which carried him through all the isolation of the years in the wilderness, denouncing like a minor prophet all those, however beloved, who saw differently from him, on to the Finland Station, at a trot, to declare war, and sustain it to victory, against a revolution which promised to give the people of Russia all that they had ever asked. His sustaining faith, his scientific base, as he would have called it, was that the world revolution, which alone could sustain the Russian revolution, was at hand. Dia salah.


Lenin

Melvyn Bragg investigates what drove the Soviet leader Lenin, and enabled him to develop a model to export communism and build an original political system that remained intact for over seventy years.

For some time, in some intellectual quarters in the West, Vladimir Ilich Ulyanov - also known as Lenin - was regarded as an understandable revolutionary, perhaps a necessary revolutionary given the actions of the Tsars, certainly a sympathetic revolutionary compared with his successor - Stalin. He became an icon in Russia - his body unburied, lying in Red Square in a state of permanent, imminent resurrection. The Russian Presidential Elections take place at the end of the month, and the Acting President, Vladimir Putin, promised that if he won he would finally take the body of Lenin from Red Square and bury him. But whether the country will be able to escape the extraordinary influence of the man, his ideas and his machinery of oppression is another matter. In his short period in power between 1917 and 1924 Vladimir Illyich Lenin invented the one party state, developed a model to export communism around the world and built a completely original political system that remained intact for over seventy years. What drove him and enabled him to achieve success?Robert Service, lecturer in Russian History and Fellow of St Anthony’s College, Oxford and biographer of Lenin Vitali Vitaliev, author, columnist, broadcaster former Soviet Journalist of the Year.


Tonton videonya: Putin: Rezim Stalin Adalah Sejarah hitam kami Tapi Menyalakannya penyebab WW2 adlh kemunafikan (Jun 2022).


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