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Raja Faisal I

Raja Faisal I



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Faisal, anak ketiga Emir Hussein, putra Sharif Husain dari Mekah, dilahirkan pada tahun 1885. Faisal tinggal di Constantinople dan kemudiannya duduk di parlimen Uthmaniyyah sebagai wakil untuk Jidda.

Semasa Perang Dunia Pertama Faisal berkhidmat dengan Tentera Turki. Pada tahun 1916 dia bertukar sisi dan mula bekerja rapat dengan T. E. Lawrence. Dia menjadi panglima tentera Arab yang terkemuka dan memimpin pasukan ke Damsyik pada 3 Oktober 1918.

Putera Faisal menghadiri Persidangan Damai Paris dengan Lawrence of Arabia. Dia mengadakan pertemuan dengan Felix Frankfurter. Pembantunya, Ella Winter, teringat dalam autobiografinya, Dan Tidak Menuai (1963): "Pangeran Feisal yang muda dan cantik selalu diikuti oleh sekelompok orang Arabnya yang tinggi, janggut, diam dengan jubah putih dan gaun kepalanya, dan oleh bayangannya, Kolonel T. Lawrence, juga berpakaian asli. Lawrence pendek dan kelihatan rapuh, dengan wajah yang lembut dan puitis, tetapi dia tampil seperti di rumah dengan orang Badui gurun dan pangeran yang dia nampak begitu dekat dengan diplomat Eropah. Felix sama-sama tertarik dengan peranan Lawrence dalam semua politik Timur Tengah seperti penampilan romantiknya. "

Pada 10 Mac 1920 mengisytiharkan dirinya sebagai Raja Syria dan Palestin. Ketika dia digulingkan empat bulan kemudian oleh Perancis, pihak berkuasa Inggeris bersetuju bahawa dia boleh menjadi Raja Iraq. Dia memegang jawatan pada 23 Ogos 1921. Orang-orang Kurdi di utara negara itu tidak senang dengan pengaturan ini dan terlibat dalam beberapa pemberontakan menentang pemerintahannya.

Mandat Britain untuk Iraq berakhir pada bulan Oktober 1932 dan Iraq kini memasuki Liga Bangsa-Bangsa sebagai sebuah negara merdeka. Namun, Britain mengikat Iraq dengan erat dengan Kerajaan Britain dengan pakatan tentera selama 25 tahun. Britain mengekalkan pangkalan tentera di Iraq dan menggunakan pengaruh politik yang kuat di negara itu. Ini termasuk memastikan bahawa konsesi untuk eksplorasi dan eksploitasi minyak kepada Iraq Petroleum Company, sebuah konglomerat kepentingan British, Perancis dan Amerika Syarikat.

Pada tahun 1930-an terdapat tujuh rampasan kuasa tentera. Ini semua gagal tetapi pemerintahan raja berakhir ketika dia terbunuh dalam kemalangan kereta pada tahun 1939. Dia kemudian digantikan oleh puteranya Faisal II.

© John Simkin, April 2013

Teks

© John Simkin, April 2013


Faisal dari Arab Saudi

Editor kami akan menyemak apa yang telah anda kirimkan dan menentukan apakah akan menyemak semula artikel tersebut.

Faisal dari Arab Saudi, sepenuhnya Fayṣal ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Āl Saʿūd, Faisal juga dieja Feisal atau Feisul, (lahir sekitar 1906, Riyadh, Arabia [sekarang di Arab Saudi] - meninggal 25 Mac 1975, Riyadh), raja Arab Saudi dari 1964 hingga 1975, seorang tokoh berpengaruh dunia Arab yang terkenal dengan rancangan undang-undang di rumah dan ketegasan di luar negara.

Faisal adalah anak lelaki Raja Ibn Saud dan saudara lelaki Raja Saud. Dia dilantik sebagai menteri luar negeri dan wakil ketua Hejaz pada tahun 1926 setelah ayahnya menakluki wilayah itu, di mana terletaknya kota suci Mekah. Pada tahun 1934, dia mengetuai kempen kemenangan melawan Yaman. Dia mewakili Arab Saudi pada Persidangan Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu tahun 1945 dan kemudian menjadi duta besar untuk Majlis Umum PBB.

Selepas penggabungan Saud pada tahun 1953, Faisal menjadi putera mahkota dan menteri luar negeri. Pada tahun 1958, semasa krisis ekonomi, Saud memberinya kuasa eksekutif sepenuhnya. Faisal mengundurkan diri pada tahun 1960 tetapi kembali pada tahun 1962, dan pada bulan Mac 1964 dia mengambil alih semua kuasa sebagai wakil. Saud digulingkan oleh pemimpin agama, anggota kanan keluarga yang berkuasa, dan Majlis Menteri, dan Faisal menjadi raja pada bulan November 1964.

Di dalam negara, Faisal jauh lebih aktif dan moden daripada pendahulunya dalam program ekonomi dan pendidikan. Reformasi birokratinya, lebih-lebih lagi, menjadikan keuangan dan operasi negara lebih efisien, sementara penegasannya mengenai keterlibatan negara di Aramco memungkinkan pengawasan dan penguasaan sumber minyak negara yang lebih besar. Urusan luar negeri di bawah pemerintahannya juga menyaksikan Arab Saudi menjadi lebih tegas di rantau ini, mencabar dominasi dalam kepemimpinan wilayah yang dipegang lama oleh Mesir. Dia menyokong golongan kerajaan di Yaman ketika mereka menentang, walaupun tidak berhasil, pemerintah republik baru yang didukung oleh Mesir, tetapi dia bergabung dengan negara-negara Arab dalam Perang Enam Hari 1967.

Walaupun dalam keadaan sihat, dia tetap aktif di kantornya hingga dia mati ditembak oleh anak saudaranya Pangeran Fayṣal ibn Musāid. Raja Faisal digantikan oleh saudara tirinya Putera Mahkota Khalid bin ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Āl Saʿūd.

Penyunting Ensiklopedia Britannica Artikel ini terakhir disemak dan dikemas kini oleh Adam Zeidan, Penolong Editor.


Raja Iraq

British beralasan bahawa Faisal telah kehilangan satu kerajaan dan akan menjaga tindakan yang mungkin mengancam kehilangan kerajaan yang lain. Faisal adalah pilihan yang popular di negara baru Iraq kerana reputasi nasionalis dan ketenteraannya, daya tarikan dan integriti pribadinya, dan kelahirannya yang mulia di klan Hashemite Nabi. Beberapa ratus pegawai asal Iraq yang telah berkhidmat dengan Faisal semasa perang sangat menyokong pemilihannya. Mereka mendukung Faisal dengan pengalaman dan kekuatan untuk memerintah dengan penuh kemampuan dan tanggungjawab ketika dia seimbang dengan pihak berkuasa Inggeris, sheik suku, dan ahli politik nasionalis. Iraq menjadi negara Arab pertama di Asia Tenggara yang menghilangkan status wajib dan bergabung dengan Liga Bangsa-bangsa pada tahun 1932, tetapi kematian Faisal pada 8 September 1933, menimbulkan satu dekad kekeliruan dan ketidakstabilan di Iraq di bawah putranya yang masih belum berpengalaman , Ghazi.


Masuk takhta

Xerxes adalah putera Darius I dan Atossa, anak perempuan Cyrus, dia adalah anak lelaki pertama yang lahir dari Darius setelah ia dilantik ke takhta. Xerxes ditetapkan sebagai pewaris yang jelas oleh bapanya lebih suka kepada kakaknya Artabazanes. Sebuah relief di portico selatan halaman di perbendaharaan Persepolis, serta relief di pintu timur tripylon (tangga hiasan) menggambarkannya sebagai pewaris yang kelihatan, berdiri di belakang ayahnya, yang duduk di pelamin. Ketika ayahnya meninggal, pada tahun 486 SM, Xerxes berumur sekitar 35 tahun dan telah memerintah Babylonia selama belasan tahun.

Salah satu keprihatinan pertamanya ketika ia bergabung adalah menenangkan Mesir, di mana seorang perampas telah memerintah selama dua tahun. Tetapi dia terpaksa menggunakan metode yang jauh lebih kuat daripada Darius: pada tahun 484 SM dia merosakkan Delta dan menghukum orang Mesir. Xerxes kemudian mengetahui tentang pemberontakan Babilon, di mana dua orang yang berpura-pura nasionalis muncul secara berturut-turut. Yang kedua, Shamash-eriba, ditakluki oleh menantu Xerxes, dan penindasan ganas berlaku: kubu-kubu Babel dirobohkan, kuil-kuilnya dirampas, dan patung Marduk hancur. Perbuatan terakhir ini mempunyai kepentingan politik yang besar: Xerxes tidak lagi dapat "mengambil tangan" (menerima perlindungan) tuhan Babilon. Walaupun Darius telah memperlakukan Mesir dan Babilonia sebagai kerajaan yang secara pribadi disatukan dengan Kerajaan Achaemen (walaupun ditadbir sebagai satrapies), Xerxes bertindak dengan sikap tidak peduli baru. Setelah menolak fiksyen kesatuan peribadi, dia kemudian meninggalkan gelaran raja Babylonia dan raja Mesir, menjadikan dirinya sebagai "raja Parsi dan Medes."

Mungkin itu adalah pemberontakan Babilon, walaupun beberapa penulis mengatakan bahawa itu adalah masalah di Bactria, yang mana Xerxes menyinggung sebuah prasasti yang menyatakan:

Dan di antara negara-negara ini (dalam pemberontakan) ada di mana, sebelumnya, daevas telah disembah. Selepas itu, dengan bantuan Ahura Mazdā, saya menghancurkan tempat perlindungan ini daevas dan menyatakan, "Biarkan daevas jangan disembah! ” Di sana, di mana daevas pernah disembah sebelumnya, saya menyembah Ahura Mazdā.

Oleh itu, Xerxes menyatakan dirinya sebagai musuh daevas, dewa-dewa pra-Zoroaster kuno, dan tidak diragukan lagi mengenal pasti dewa-dewa Babilonia dengan dewa-dewa yang jatuh dari agama Aryan ini. Persoalan timbul mengenai apakah pemusnahan patung Marduk harus dikaitkan dengan teks ini yang menyatakan penghancuran tempat suci daeva, apakah Xerxes adalah penyokong Zoroastrianisme yang lebih bersemangat daripada ayahnya, dan, apakah dia sendiri adalah Zoroastrian . Masalah hubungan antara agama Achaemenian dan Zoroastrianisme adalah masalah yang sukar, dan beberapa sarjana, seperti M. Molé, bahkan menyangka bahawa ini merupakan persoalan yang tidak betul - bahawa terdapat, tiga negara agama yang berlainan : agama pematuhan ketat, agama kerajaan sebagaimana yang dibuktikan oleh prasasti Achaemen, dan agama popular seperti yang dijelaskan oleh sejarawan Yunani, Herodotus.


Raja Charles I dihukum mati kerana pengkhianatan

Di London, Raja Charles I dipenggal kepala kerana pengkhianatan pada 30 Januari 1649.

Charles naik ke takhta Inggeris pada tahun 1625 setelah kematian ayahnya, Raja James I. Pada tahun pertama pemerintahannya, Charles menyinggung perasaan Protestan dengan menikahi Henrietta Maria, seorang puteri Katolik Perancis. Dia kemudiannya bertindak balas terhadap penentangan politik terhadap pemerintahannya dengan membubarkan Parlimen pada beberapa kesempatan dan pada tahun 1629 memutuskan untuk memerintah sepenuhnya tanpa Parlimen. Pada tahun 1642, perjuangan sengit antara raja dan Parlimen untuk ketuanan menyebabkan tercetusnya perang saudara Inggeris yang pertama.

Anggota Parlimen dipimpin oleh Oliver Cromwell, yang pasukan Ironsidesnya yang hebat memperoleh kemenangan penting menentang pasukan Royalis raja di Marston Moor pada tahun 1644 dan di Naseby pada tahun 1645. Sebagai pemimpin Tentera Model Baru dalam perang saudara Inggeris kedua, Cromwell membantu menangkis pencerobohan Royalis ke Scotland, dan pada tahun 1646 Charles menyerah kepada tentera Scotland. Pada tahun 1648, Charles dipaksa hadir di pengadilan tinggi yang dikendalikan oleh musuhnya, di mana dia disabitkan dengan pengkhianatan dan dijatuhkan hukuman mati. Pada awal tahun berikutnya, dia dipenggal kepala.

Monarki dihapuskan, dan Cromwell mengambil alih kawalan Komanwel Inggeris yang baru. Pada tahun 1658, Cromwell meninggal dan digantikan oleh putera sulungnya, Richard, yang dipaksa melarikan diri ke Perancis pada tahun berikutnya dengan pemulihan monarki dan mahkota Charles II, putera Charles I. Oliver Cromwell dihukum mati setelah kematian. pengkhianatan, dan tubuhnya dipisahkan dari makamnya di Westminster Abbey dan digantung dari tiang gantungan di Tyburn.


Kandungan

Faisal bin Abdulaziz dilahirkan di Riyadh pada 14 April 1906. [3] [4] Dia adalah putera ketiga Raja Abdulaziz dan anak lelaki pertama yang dilahirkan di Riyadh. [5] [6] Ibunya adalah Tarfa binti Abdullah Al Sheikh, [7] yang dinikahi oleh Abdulaziz pada tahun 1902 setelah menawan Riyadh. Tarfa adalah keturunan pemimpin agama Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab. [8] Kakek Faisal, Abdullah bin Abdullatif Al Sheikh adalah salah seorang guru dan penasihat agama utama Abdulaziz. [9] [10] Faisal mempunyai seorang kakak perempuan, Noura, yang mengahwini sepupunya Khalid bin Muhammad, anak lelaki saudara lelaki Raja Abdulaziz, Muhammad bin Abdul Rahman. [11]

Tarfa binti Abdullah meninggal pada tahun 1906 ketika Faisal berusia enam bulan. [9] Dia kemudian mula tinggal bersama datuk dan neneknya, Abdullah bin Abdullatif dan Haya binti Abdul Rahman Al Muqbel, [12] dan Abdullah mendidik cucunya. [9] Menurut Helen Chapin Metz, Faisal, dan sebagian besar generasinya, dibesarkan dalam suasana di mana keberanian sangat dihargai dan diperkuat. [13] Dari tahun 1916 dia diajar oleh Hafiz Wahba yang kemudian berkhidmat di pelbagai jawatan pemerintah. [14]

Pada tahun 1919 pemerintah Inggeris menjemput Abdulaziz untuk berkunjung ke London. [15] Dia tidak dapat pergi, tetapi dia menugaskan putera sulungnya Putera Turki sebagai utusannya. [15] Namun, Putera Turki meninggal dunia kerana selesema Sepanyol sebelum lawatan tersebut. [15] Oleh itu, Putera Faisal dihantar ke London sebagai gantinya, menjadikannya raja Arab Saudi pertama yang mengunjungi Inggeris. [15] Kunjungannya berlangsung selama lima bulan, dan dia bertemu dengan pegawai Britain. [16] Selama periode yang sama, ia juga mengunjungi Perancis, sekali lagi menjadi kerajaan Arab Saudi pertama yang melakukan lawatan rasmi ke sana. [17]

Sebagai salah seorang putera sulung Abdulaziz, Pangeran Faisal diberi banyak tanggungjawab untuk menggabungkan kawalan ke atas Arabia. Setelah penangkapan hujan es dan pengawalan awal ke atas Asir pada tahun 1922, dia dikirim ke wilayah-wilayah ini dengan hampir enam ribu pejuang. Dia berjaya menguasai Asir pada akhir tahun ini. [18] Putera Faisal dilantik sebagai wakil ketua Hejaz pada 9 Februari 1926 berikutan bapanya mengambil alih wilayah tersebut. [19] [20] [21] Dia sering berunding dengan pemimpin tempatan semasa dia berkhidmat. [22] Selain itu, Putera Faisal adalah presiden majlis perundingan dan menteri dalam negeri. [23]

Pada bulan Disember 1931 setelah pengumuman perlembagaan dewan timbalan (Majlis al Wukala) dia menjadi presiden dewan empat anggota dan menteri luar negeri, dan terus memegang gelaran sebelumnya, wakil ketua Hejaz, presiden majlis perundingan dan menteri dalam negeri. [23] Dia akan terus mengawasi kebijakan luar negeri Saudi hingga kematiannya — bahkan sebagai raja, dengan hanya cuti dua tahun [24] antara tahun 1960 dan 1962. [20]

Faisal mengunjungi beberapa negara dalam tempoh ini, termasuk Iran pada Mei 1932, [25] Poland pada tahun 1932 dan Rusia (sebagai sebahagian dari USSR) pada tahun 1933. [26] [27] Pada 8 Julai 1932, Faisal mengunjungi Turki dan bertemu dengan Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, pengasas Turki moden. [28]

Dia memerintahkan kempen semasa Perang Saudi-Yaman pada tahun 1934, menghasilkan kemenangan Saudi. [20] Dia dan saudara tirinya Khalid mengunjungi AS pada Oktober 1943 berikutan jemputan Presiden Franklin D. Roosevelt. [29] Ini adalah salah satu hubungan awal antara Arab Saudi dan Amerika Syarikat. [29]

Ketika Raja Abdulaziz mendekati akhir hayatnya, dia memilih Putera Faisal sebagai pengganti yang mungkin atas putera sulungnya, Putera Mahkota Saud, kerana pengetahuan luas Faisal, dan juga pengalamannya selama bertahun-tahun. Sejak Faisal masih kecil, Abdulaziz mengenalinya sebagai anak lelaki yang paling cemerlang dan sering memberikannya tanggungjawab dalam perang dan diplomasi. Selain itu, Faisal terkenal dengan gaya hidup orang Badwi yang sederhana. "Saya hanya berharap saya mempunyai tiga Faisal", Raja Abdulaziz pernah berkata ketika membincangkan siapa yang akan menggantikannya. [30] Namun, Raja Abdulaziz membuat keputusan untuk menjadikan Saud sebagai putera mahkota dalam ketakutan bahawa sebaliknya akan menyebabkan penurunan kestabilan. [31]

Raja Abdulaziz meninggal pada 9 November 1953, dan Putera Faisal berada di sisinya. [4] [32] [33] Kakak Putera Faisal, Saud, menjadi raja. Faisal kemudian dilantik sebagai putera mahkota. Pada 16 Ogos 1954 dia dilantik sebagai perdana menteri. [34]

Raja Saud memulai program perbelanjaan yang meliputi pembangunan kediaman kerajaan besar di pinggiran ibu kota, Riyadh. Dia juga menghadapi tekanan dari negara jiran Mesir, di mana Gamal Abdel Nasser telah menggulingkan monarki pada tahun 1952. Nasser dapat memupuk sekumpulan putera pembangkang yang dipimpin oleh Pangeran Talal bin Abdulaziz, yang membelot ke Mesir (lihat Free Princes). Takut bahawa dasar kewangan Raja Saud membawa negara ke ambang kehancuran, dan bahawa pengendalian urusan luar negaranya tidak layak, anggota kanan keluarga kerajaan dan para ulama (kepemimpinan agama) menekan Saud untuk melantik Faisal ke jawatan perdana menteri pada tahun 1958, memberikan kuasa eksekutif Faisal yang luas. [35]

Perebutan kuasa berlaku antara Raja Saud dan Putera Mahkota Faisal, dan pada 18 Disember 1960, Putera Mahkota Faisal mengundurkan diri sebagai perdana menteri sebagai protes, dengan alasan Raja Saud mengecewakan pembaharuan kewangannya. Raja Saud mengambil kembali kuasa eksekutifnya dan, setelah mendorong Pangeran Talal pulang dari Mesir, melantiknya sebagai menteri kewangan pada bulan Julai 1958. [36] [37] Namun, pada tahun 1962, Putera Mahkota Faisal mengumpulkan cukup banyak sokongan dalam keluarga kerajaan untuk memasang dirinya sebagai perdana menteri untuk kali kedua. [35] Kurang dari sebulan sebelum acara ini Putera Mahkota Faisal dan Presiden AS John F. Kennedy mengadakan pertemuan rahsia di Washington, DC pada 4 Oktober 1962. [38] [39] Pada tahun yang sama Putera Mahkota Faisal mengumumkan rancangan, yang diketahui sebagai Program Sepuluh Titik, yang merangkumi prinsip ekonomi, kewangan, politik, dan kehakiman yang harus diikuti oleh Arab Saudi untuk menjadi negara industri maju. [19]

Putera Mahkota Faisal mengasaskan Jawatankuasa Pembangunan Ekonomi pada tahun 1958. [40] Dia berperanan dalam penubuhan Universiti Islam Madinah pada tahun 1961. Pada tahun 1962, dia membantu mendirikan Liga Dunia Muslim, sebuah badan amal sedunia yang dilaporkan oleh keluarga diraja Saudi sejak itu. menderma lebih daripada satu bilion dolar. [41] Pada tahun 1963 dia mendirikan stesen televisyen pertama di negara itu, walaupun siaran sebenarnya tidak akan bermula selama dua tahun lagi. [42]

Perjuangan dengan Raja Saud berlanjutan di latar belakang selama ini. Mengambil kesempatan dari ketiadaan raja dari negara itu kerana alasan perubatan pada awal 1963, Faisal mulai mengumpulkan lebih banyak kekuatan untuk dirinya sendiri. Dia menyingkirkan banyak orang setia Saud dari jawatan mereka dan melantik pangeran yang berpikiran sama dalam jawatan ketenteraan dan keselamatan utama, [43] [44] seperti saudaranya Putera Abdullah, yang dia beri perintah Pengawal Nasional pada tahun 1962. Setelah Raja Saud kembali, Putera Mahkota Faisal menuntut agar dia dibuat bupati dan agar Raja Saud diturunkan menjadi peranan istiadat semata-mata. Dalam hal ini, dia mendapat dukungan penting dari ulama (ulama elit Islam), termasuk fatwa (dekrit) yang dikeluarkan oleh mufti agung Arab Saudi, saudara Putera Mahkota Faisal di pihak ibunya, meminta Raja Saud untuk mengaku tuntutan saudaranya. [43]

Raja Saud menolak, bagaimanapun, dan melakukan upaya terakhir untuk merebut kembali kuasa eksekutif, menyebabkan Putera Mahkota Faisal memerintahkan Pengawal Nasional untuk mengepung istana Raja Saud. Setia setianya lebih banyak dan melebihi jumlahnya, Raja Saud mengalah, dan pada 4 Mac 1964, Putera Mahkota Faisal dilantik sebagai bupati. Mesyuarat para penatua keluarga kerajaan dan para ulama diadakan pada akhir tahun itu, dan fatwa kedua telah ditetapkan oleh mufti agung, yang meminta Raja Saud untuk melepaskan takhta demi saudaranya. Keluarga kerajaan menyokong fatwa tersebut dan segera memberitahu Raja Saud mengenai keputusan mereka. Raja Saud, yang sekarang dilucutkan dari semua kuasanya, setuju, dan Faisal diangkat menjadi raja pada 2 November 1964. [35] [44] Saud kemudian pergi ke pengasingan, mencari perlindungan di Mesir sebelum akhirnya menetap di Yunani. [45]

Dalam ucapannya sejurus selepas dia berkuasa pada 2 November 1964, Faisal berkata:

Saya memohon kepada anda, saudara-saudara, untuk memandang saya sebagai saudara dan hamba. 'Keagungan' dikhaskan untuk Tuhan sahaja dan 'takhta' adalah takhta Langit dan Bumi. [46]

Salah satu tindakan awal yang diambil Faisal sebagai raja adalah menubuhkan dewan untuk menangani masalah penggantian masa depan. [47] Anggota-anggotanya adalah dua pamannya, Putera Abdullah dan Putera Musaid, dan lima saudara tirinya, Putera Mahkota Khalid, Putera Fahd, Putera Abdullah, Putera Sultan dan Putera Nawwaf. [47] Pada tahun 1967 Raja Faisal menjawat jawatan perdana menteri kedua dan melantik Putera Fahd ke jawatan ini. [39] Sebab badan yang baru ditubuhkan ini adalah permintaan dan cadangan Putera Mahkota Khalid. [48] ​​Penasihat paling kanan Raja Faisal semasa pemerintahannya adalah Rashad Pharaon yang merupakan doktor peribadi ayahnya. [49] Yang lain ialah Mohammad ibn Ibrahim Al Sheikh yang berpengaruh dalam membentuk peranan politiknya di dunia Arab. [50]

Gaya dari
Raja Faisal
Gaya rujukanSeri Paduka
Gaya lisanTuanku

Pemodenan

Pada awal pemerintahannya, Raja Faisal mengeluarkan dekrit bahawa semua putera Saudi harus memberi sekolah kepada anak-anak mereka di dalam negara, dan bukannya menghantar mereka ke luar negeri, ini menjadikannya popular bagi keluarga kelas atas untuk membawa anak-anak mereka kembali belajar di Kerajaan. [51] Raja Faisal juga memperkenalkan sistem wilayah pemerintahan negara saat ini, dan meletakkan asas untuk sistem kesejahteraan moden. Pada tahun 1970, dia menubuhkan Kementerian Kehakiman dan melancarkan "rancangan lima tahun" pertama negara untuk pembangunan ekonomi. [52]

Salah satu percubaan modenisasinya adalah undang-undang baru mengenai media, penerbitan, dan pengarkiban dan protokol kerjasama budaya dua hala dengan arkib asing dan korporat yang menyimpan catatan tentang Arab abad pertengahan abad kedua puluh. [38] Siaran televisyen secara rasmi dimulakan pada tahun 1965. Pada tahun 1966, seorang keponakan Faisal menyerang ibu pejabat televisyen Saudi yang baru ditubuhkan tetapi dibunuh oleh anggota keselamatan. Penyerang itu adalah saudara lelaki pembunuh masa depan Faisal, dan kejadian itu adalah motif pembunuhan yang paling banyak diterima. [53]

Langkah menentang rampasan kuasa

1950-an dan 1960-an menyaksikan banyak rampasan kuasa di rantau ini. Rampasan kuasa Muammar Gaddafi yang menggulingkan monarki di Libya yang kaya minyak pada tahun 1969 sangat mengancam Arab Saudi kerana persamaan antara dua negara padang pasir yang jarang penduduknya. [54] Akibatnya, Raja Faisal berusaha untuk membangun alat keamanan yang canggih dan menindak tegas ketidaksetujuan. Seperti dalam semua urusan, Raja Faisal membenarkan polisi ini dalam istilah Islam. Pada awal pemerintahannya, ketika menghadapi tuntutan untuk perlembagaan bertulis untuk negara ini, Raja Faisal menjawab bahawa "perlembagaan kita adalah Al-Quran". [55] Pada musim panas 1969 Raja Faisal memerintahkan penangkapan ratusan pegawai tentera, termasuk beberapa jeneral, [56] yang menuduh bahawa rampasan kuasa tentera sedang dirancang. Rampasan kuasa ini dirancang terutamanya oleh pegawai tentera udara dan bertujuan untuk menjatuhkan monarki dan mendirikan rejim Nasserist di negara ini. [57] Penangkapan itu mungkin berdasarkan tip dari perisikan Amerika. [54]

Keikutsertaan agama

Raja Faisal nampaknya berpegang pada pandangan pluralis, memihak kepada permintaan yang terbatas dan berhati-hati terhadap tuntutan popular untuk pembaharuan inklusif, dan membuat percubaan berulang kali untuk memperluas perwakilan politik, dengan menggunakan dasar integrasi nasionalnya yang berjaya dari tahun 1965 hingga 1975. Raja Faisal mengakui agama negaranya dan kepelbagaian budaya, yang meliputi sebagian besar Syiah Al Ahsa di timur Asir di barat daya, dengan pertalian suku dengan Yaman, terutama di kalangan suku Ismailiyah Najran dan Jizan dan Kerajaan Hejaz, dengan ibu kotanya Mekah. Dia memasukkan non-Wahhabi, Sunni Hejazis kosmopolitan dari Mekah dan Jeddah dalam pemerintahan Saudi. [58] Secara khusus dikatakan bahawa dia tidak akan mengambil keputusan mengenai Mekah tanpa meminta nasihat dari Alawi bin Abbas, ayah Muhammad bin Alawi, dan keturunan Muhammad. [59] Begitu juga pada tahun 1962, dalam mempromosikan bentuk pan-Islamisme yang lebih luas dan non-sektarian, Raja Faisal melancarkan Liga Dunia Muslim di mana jemputan sufi Tijani Ibrahim Niass diundang. [60] Lebih jauh lagi, dia membantah pandangan pemerintah Arab Saudi sebelumnya dalam menyatakan kepada ulama negara Saudi bahawa, "Semua umat Islam, dari Mesir, India dll adalah saudara-saudara kamu," [61] Namun Mai Yamani berpendapat bahawa setelah pemerintahannya, diskriminasi berdasarkan mazhab, suku, wilayah, dan jantina menjadi kebiasaan dan terus kekal sehingga hari ini. [58]

Peranan dan kewibawaan paderi negara merosot setelah kebangkitan Raja Faisal walaupun mereka telah membantunya mengangkat takhta pada tahun 1964. Walaupun ketakwaan dan hubungan biologinya melalui ibunya kepada keluarga Al sebagai keluarga Shaykh, dan sokongannya terhadap pan -Pergerakan Islam dalam perjuangannya melawan pan-Arabisme, dia menurunkan kekuatan dan pengaruh ulama. [62] Tidak seperti penggantinya Raja Khalid, Raja Faisal berusaha untuk mencegah ulama radikal daripada mengendalikan institusi agama seperti Majlis Ulama Kanan, institusi agama tertinggi di Arab Saudi, atau mengambil pejabat agama seperti Grand Mufti, yang bertanggungjawab untuk memelihara undang-undang Islam . Tetapi penasihatnya memberi amaran bahawa, setelah semangat beragama dimotivasi, kesan buruk akan terjadi. [41] Raja Faisal menolak penentangan ulama terhadap aspek percubaan pemodenan yang dipercepatnya, kadang-kadang bahkan dalam perkara yang dianggap oleh mereka sebagai isu utama [62] seperti pendidikan bagi wanita. [63]

Rasuah dalam keluarga diraja dianggap sangat serius oleh tokoh agama di kolej teologi Islam. Mereka menantang beberapa tafsiran teologi yang diterima oleh rejim Saudi. Salah satu tokoh yang berpengaruh itu ialah Syekh Abdulaziz bin Baz, yang kemudian menjadi rektor kolej teologi Al Medina. Raja Faisal tidak akan bertolak ansur dengan kritikannya dan menyingkirkannya dari kedudukannya. Akan tetapi, ajarannya telah menggerakkan beberapa muridnya yang salah satunya adalah Juhayman al-Otaybi. [64]

Penghapusan perhambaan

Perhambaan tidak lenyap di Arab Saudi sehingga Raja Faisal mengeluarkan keputusan untuk penghapusan totalnya pada tahun 1962. Penyampai BBC Peter Hobday menyatakan bahawa sekitar 1,682 budak dibebaskan pada masa itu, dengan biaya pemerintah masing-masing $ 2,000. [64] Penganalisis politik Bruce Riedel berpendapat bahawa AS mula membangkitkan isu perbudakan setelah pertemuan antara Raja Abdulaziz dan presiden AS Franklin D. Roosevelt pada tahun 1945 dan bahawa John F. Kennedy akhirnya meyakinkan Dewan Saud untuk menghapuskan perbudakan di 1962. [65]

Hubungan luar negara

Sebagai raja, Faisal menggunakan Islam sebagai salah satu alat dasar luar Arab Saudi yang membezakannya dengan Raja Abdulaziz dan Raja Saud. [66] Namun, dia meneruskan persekutuan erat dengan Amerika Syarikat yang dimulakan oleh Raja Abdulaziz, dan sangat bergantung pada AS untuk mempersenjatai dan melatih angkatan tenteranya. Raja Faisal adalah anti komunis. Dia menolak sebarang hubungan politik dengan Uni Soviet dan negara-negara blok Komunis lain, mengaku melihat ketidaksesuaian sepenuhnya antara komunisme dan Islam. [67] Kunjungan rasmi pertama Raja Faisal ke AS adalah pada bulan Jun 1966. [29]

Dalam surat-menyurat dengan Shah Iran, Faisal dikatakan mengingatkan Shah bahawa dia bukan "Shah of France", bahwa dia tidak boleh menganggap dirinya di Élysée dan bahawa dia harus ingat bahawa Iran adalah mayoritas Muslim negara. Ini sebagai tindak balas terhadap komen dari Shah yang meminta Faisal untuk memodenkan, mengizinkan wanita memakai Miniskirt, mengizinkan Disco dll. Atau dia merasa tidak dapat menjamin Faisal akan tetap berada di takhta. [68] [69]

Antara 23 dan 25 September 1969, Raja Faisal mengadakan konferensi di Rabat, Maghribi, untuk membincangkan serangan pembakaran di Masjid Al Aqsa yang terjadi sebulan sebelumnya. Para pemimpin 25 negara Islam menghadiri dan persidangan tersebut meminta Israel menyerahkan wilayah yang ditakluki pada tahun 1967. Persidangan itu juga menubuhkan Organisasi Kerjasama Islam dan berjanji akan sokongannya kepada rakyat Palestin. [70]

Berikutan kematian Nasser pada tahun 1970, Raja Faisal mendekati presiden baru Mesir, Anwar Sadat, yang dia sendiri merancang untuk memutuskan hubungan dengan Kesatuan Soviet dan bergerak menuju kem pro-Amerika. Semasa Perang Arab-Israel 1973 yang dilancarkan oleh Sadat, Raja Faisal menarik minyak Arab Saudi dari pasaran dunia, sebagai protes atas sokongan Barat terhadap Israel semasa konflik. Tindakan ini menaikkan harga minyak dan menjadi kekuatan utama di sebalik krisis minyak 1973. Ini adalah tindakan penting dalam karier Raja Faisal, dan memperoleh prestij abadi di kalangan banyak orang Arab dan Muslim di seluruh dunia. Pada tahun 1974 dia dinamakan Masa Man of the Year, dan kejatuhan kewangan yang disebabkan oleh krisis ini mendorong ledakan ekonomi yang berlaku di Arab Saudi setelah kematiannya. Pendapatan minyak yang baru juga memungkinkan Faisal untuk meningkatkan bantuan dan subsidi yang bermula setelah Perang Enam Hari 1967 [2] ke Mesir, Syria, dan Organisasi Pembebasan Palestin. [71] Adalah kepercayaan umum di Arab Saudi, dan dunia Arab yang lebih luas, bahawa embargo minyak Raja Faisal adalah penyebab sebenar pembunuhannya, melalui konspirasi Barat. [72] [73]

Raja Faisal berkahwin berkali-kali. [12] Pasangannya berasal dari keluarga yang kuat: Al Kabir, Al Sudairi, Al Jiluwi dan Al Thunayan. [74] Isteri-isterinya adalah:

  • Sultana binti Ahmed Al Sudairi, ibu kepada putera sulungnya Putera Abdullah, yang menjadi bapa Faisal ketika berusia antara 15 dan 17 tahun. Sultana berasal dari keluarga Sudairi dan adik perempuan Hassa binti Ahmed, ibu saudara-saudara Sudairi. [75]
    (1916-2000), yang dilahirkan dan dibesarkan di Turki. Nenek moyangnya adalah sebahagian daripada cabang Al Thunayan dari keluarga Al Saud. [76] Mereka pertama kali bertemu di Istanbul sekitar tahun 1932 semasa dia berada di Turki untuk lawatan rasmi. [16] [77] Mereka mempunyai sembilan anak, [76] termasuk Putera Mohammed, Putera Saud, dan Putera Turki. [78] Iffat dianggap sebagai pengaruh di sebalik banyak pembaharuan suaminya, terutama yang berkaitan dengan wanita. [79] [80] Faisal juga membesarkan adik Iffat, Kamal Adham. [81] Raja Faisal kemudian melantik Kamal sebagai presiden pertama agensi perisikan Saudi Al Mukhabarat Al A'amah. [82] Dia juga penasihat saudara iparnya. [83]
  • Al Jawhara binti Saud Al Kabir, anak perempuan ibu saudaranya Noura binti Abdul Rahman dan Saud Al Kabir bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. [84] Mereka berkahwin pada Oktober 1935. Dengan Al Jawhara, Faisal mempunyai seorang anak perempuan, Mashail (meninggal Oktober 2011). [12]
  • Haya binti Turki bin Abdulaziz Al Turki, ibu kepada Puteri Noura, Putera Saad dan Putera Khalid. [85] Dia adalah anggota klan Al Jiluwi. [7] [86]
  • Hessa binti Muhammad bin Abdullah Al Muhanna Aba Al Khail, ibu kepada Puteri Al Anoud (meninggal pada Jun 2011) dan Puteri Al Jawhara (meninggal April 2014). [12]
  • Munira binti Suhaim bin Hitimi Al Thunayan Al Mahasher, ibu kepada Puteri Hessa (meninggal pada bulan Disember 2020). [87]
  • Fatima binti Abdulaziz bin Mushait Al Shahrani, ibu kepada Puteri Munira (meninggal semasa muda). [12]

Anak-anak Faisal semuanya berpendidikan di luar negara. [88] Putera Turki mendapat pendidikan formal di sekolah-sekolah berprestij di New Jersey, dan dia kemudian menghadiri Universiti Georgetown, [89] sementara Putera Saud adalah alumni Universiti Princeton. Anak-anak Raja Faisal telah memegang, dan terus memegang, jawatan penting dalam pemerintahan Saudi. Putera sulungnya, Putera Abdullah, memegang jawatan pemerintah untuk sementara waktu. Putera Khalid adalah gabenor Provinsi Asir di Arab Saudi barat daya selama lebih dari tiga dekad sebelum menjadi gabenor Provinsi Makkah pada tahun 2007. Putera Saud adalah menteri luar Saudi antara tahun 1975 dan 2015. Putera Turki berkhidmat sebagai ketua Perisikan Saudi, duta besar untuk United Kingdom, dan kemudian duta besar ke Amerika Syarikat. [90] Putera Abdul Rahman yang merupakan lulusan Akademi Ketenteraan Sandhurst meninggal pada bulan Mac 2014. Putera Mohammed adalah seorang ahli perniagaan yang meninggal pada tahun 2017. Putera Saad meninggal pada bulan April 2017. [91]

Anak perempuan Raja Faisal, Haifa, berkahwin dengan Putera Bandar, anak lelaki saudara lelaki Raja Faisal, Putera Sultan. Perkahwinan itu memaksa Putera Sultan mengiktiraf puteranya Bandar sebagai putera yang sah. Seorang lagi puteri Raja Faisal, Lolowah, adalah aktivis terkemuka untuk pendidikan wanita di Arab Saudi. Pada tahun 1962 puterinya Putri Sara mengasaskan salah satu organisasi amal pertama, Al Nahda, yang memenangi hadiah Chaillot pertama untuk organisasi hak asasi manusia di Teluk pada tahun 2009. [92] Pasangannya adalah Putera Muhammed, salah seorang putera Raja Saud. Salah seorang anak perempuannya, Puteri Mishail, meninggal pada usia 72 tahun pada Oktober 2011. [93] Cucu perempuannya Reem binti Mohammed adalah seorang jurugambar dan pemilik galeri yang berpusat di Jeddah. [94] [95]

Tidak seperti saudara-saudaranya, Raja Faisal fasih berbahasa Inggeris dan Perancis. Namun, dia lebih suka bertutur dalam bahasa Arab. Apabila penterjemahnya melakukan kesalahan, Faisal akan memperbaikinya. [96]

Pada 25 Mac 1975, Raja Faisal ditembak kosong dan dibunuh oleh Faisal bin Musaid, anak kepada saudara tirinya Musaid bin Abdulaziz. Putera Faisal bin Musaid baru pulang dari Amerika Syarikat. Pembunuhan itu berlaku di sebuah majlis (secara harfiah 'tempat untuk duduk'), suatu peristiwa di mana raja atau pemimpin membuka tempat kediamannya kepada warganegara untuk masuk dan mengemukakan petisyen kepada raja. [98]

In the waiting room, Prince Faisal talked to Kuwaiti representatives who were also waiting to meet the king. When the prince went to embrace him, King Faisal leaned to kiss his nephew in accordance with Saudi custom. At that instant, Prince Faisal took out a pistol and shot him. The first shot hit King Faisal's chin and the second one went through his ear. A bodyguard hit Prince Faisal with a sheathed sword. Oil minister Zaki Yamani yelled repeatedly not to kill the prince. [99]

King Faisal was quickly taken to a hospital. He was still alive as doctors massaged his heart and gave him a blood transfusion. Their efforts were unsuccessful, and King Faisal died shortly afterward. Both before and after the attack the prince was reported to be calm. Following the killing, Riyadh had three days of mourning during which all government activities were suspended. [99] The funeral service for King Faisal was performed in 'Id mosque in Riyadh, [100] and he was buried in Al Oud cemetery on 26 March 1975. [101] [102] During the funeral, the newly ascended King Khalid wept over his murdered brother's body. [103]

One theory for the murder of King Faisal was avenging the death of Prince Khalid bin Musaid, the brother of Prince Faisal bin Musaid. King Faisal instituted secular reforms that led to the installation of television, which provoked violent protests. Prince Khalid led an attack on a television station in 1966, and he was shot dead by a policeman. [104]

According to claims by King Faisal's family and friends, Prince Faisal had informed his mother Watfa bint Muhammad Al Rashid of his assassination plans. Wafta then informed King Faisal, who said "if it is Allah's will, then it would happen." In a documentary entitled "Faisal, Legacy of a King", Faisal's grandson Amr bin Mohammed bin Faisal claims that the king had distanced himself from the world days before his death. Zaki Yamani claimed that King Faisal told his own relatives and friends about a dream he had in which his father, the late King Abdulaziz, was traveling in a car and asked him to get in. Yamani went on to say that if a dead person takes a living person in a dream, the living person will most likely die within a short amount of time according to Islamic beliefs. [105] [106]

Prince Faisal was captured directly after the attack. He was at first officially declared insane, but following the trial a panel of Saudi medical experts decided that he was sane when he shot the king. The nation's high religious court convicted him of regicide and sentenced him to execution. He was publicly beheaded in Deera Square in Riyadh. [99]

After his death, the King Faisal Foundation, a philanthropic organisation, was established in King Faisal's honour. [107] King Faisal was eulogized by lyricist Robert Hunter in the title track of the Grateful Dead's 1975 album Blues for Allah. [108]

Following the reign of King Faisal Gerald de Gaury published a biography of him entitled Faisal: King of Saudi Arabia. [109] In 2013 Russian Arabist Alexei Vassiliev published another biography, King Faisal of Saudi Arabia: Personality, Faith and Times. [1] A movie directed by Agustí Villaronga in 2019 entitled Born a King is about the visit of King Faisal to London in 1919 when he was fourteen years old. [110]

In October 1976 King Khalid initiated the construction of Faisal Mosque in Islamabad, Pakistan. [111] Lyallpur, the third largest city of Pakistan, was renamed Faisalabad (literally, "City of Faisal") in 1979 in his honor. [112] [113] One of the two major Pakistan Air Force bases in Pakistan's Sindh province's largest city, Karachi, is named "PAF Base Faisal" in honour of King Faisal. [113] [114]

During his visit to Taiwan in 1971 King Faisal was awarded by President Chiang Kai-shek the Order of Brilliant Jade with Grand Cordon. [115]


The tactical shakeup

After the third goal went in, coach Sinason switched from a 4-4-2 formation to a 4-1-2-3 with the aim of shutting down the midfield of Chelsea.

Initially, Chelsea overcrowded the midfield and played easily through the middle leading to all three goals. In their build-up, they run past King Faisal’s Albert Mensah who struggled to cope with pace.

In Sinason’s 4-1-2-3 formation, the wingers upfront also had the secondary duty of coming narrow and increasing the numbers in the middle of the park.

King Faisal had just one win in their previous 25 league games before beating Chelsea

Wadudu Yakubu and Frimpong Boateng were the architects who aside bombing forward also dropped to support Mensah in midfield.

Increasing the numbers in midfield helped King Faisal regain control of the game at a time when Chelsea were growing complacent.

King Faisal piled pressure and were rewarded with a penalty after a handball by a Chelsea defender from a corner.

Kwame Peprah stepped up and sent the keeper the wrong way. The reaction of the team after the ball went in perhaps set the foundation for this remarkable comeback. Three different players run to the net to pick up the ball so the game could be restarted quickly.


King Faisal's First Year

Faisal, second surviving son of King Abd el-Aziz, was proclaimed King of Sa'udi Arabia on November 2, 1964, and has thus passed his first official anniversary. It is true that he governed in reality during a considerable part of the reign of his older brother, Sa'ud, whose aptitudes for government were limited, but there is a difference between power wielded in the name of another and power exercised by sovereign right.

Islamic countries have never adhered to any strict doctrine of primogeniture or other legitimist ideas as known in the West. At different times and places different arrangements for the succession may be in favor, and the accidents of personality have always played a decisive part. Some of the monarchies of the past tended toward an emphasis on seniority the Ottoman Empire did so for years, with the result that a monarch might well be succeeded by his oldest uncle if the family concurred. Seizure of the throne by a vigorous prince was never ruled out, and irregular successions were fairly common. Without an explicit constitution (either written or unwritten) the countries of the old empire and its successor states behaved much as the later Roman Empire did in leaving such choices to the Legions.

In Arabia there is, just the same, an established dynasty which has ruled in the central desert for two centuries and is known as the House of Sa'ud from its first conquering prince. Mohammed ibn Sa'ud, who reigned from 1747 to 1765, is the true founder of the dynasty in the sense that he enlarged its dominions beyond mere tribal limits and welcomed the doctrines of the great Puritan reformer Abd el-Wahhab, in whose name almost all the subsequent conquests were made. (The House of Sa'ud traces its ancestry into much more antique ages, but it enters documented history with these great men.) In spite of many vicissitudes, including an eclipse during which the Sa'ud family was exiled to Kuwait, this family has made Arabian history ever since. The great King Abd el-Aziz, Faisal's father, was as astute, as brave and as lucky as any prince in history he captured his own ancestral capital, Riyadh, by a daring campaign when he was only 21, and during his long reign (1901-1953) he succeeded in vanquishing all his enemies and uniting the country as it had never been united before. He was, ancestrally, King of Nejd (the central oases and desert). In 1932, after he had unified the country with the exception of the small sheikhdoms around the southern coast, he proclaimed the new kingdom as "Sa'udi" Arabia, the Arabia of the Sa'ud family.

Abd el-Aziz, who was always known in the West as Ibn Sa'ud, a sort of clan or family name, was a true Bedou and never learned classical Arabic. Neither did he visit the West except on that one journey to Egypt (1945) to see Roosevelt and Churchill. But his intellectual curiosity must have been very keen, for the opening up of Arabia is primarily his doing. There are many stories of his valiant battles for progress, often against some rather out-of-date "holy men" or "learned men" who objected to everything new as being irreligious. (Radio, for example, was thought to be the work of devils). During the final phase of his life Ibn Sa'ud had the crowning gift of vast wealth from the oil discoveries on the Persian Gulf, and was able to start his country on its pilgrimage to modernity.

King Faisal inherits this heritage of a great innovator who was also in some fundamental ways a preserver and defender of tradition. It is a combination not often found in action, and demands a variety of gifts (including both wisdom and wealth) not any more common among princes than in ordinary mortals.

There was an interim, of course, when the old King's eldest son Sa'ud reigned (November 1953 to November 1964). For some of the time during these 11 years Faisal, who was Crown Prince and Prime Minister, governed without reigning there were other intervals when Sa'ud dispensed with his services. These intervals brought on a financial crisis, in spite of the huge revenues of the government, and Faisal returned to power to achieve the foundation of the Monetary Fund and other reforms.

The actual transfer of power from one brother to the other was characteristic of both. King Sa'ud, an amiable man without any true interest in government that one could see, was notably lavish with the money which in the 1950s had become so abundant. He built vast palaces and other public buildings beyond the claims of necessity (he also built schools and roads, although these are seldom mentioned). He does not appear to have perceived that any revenue, however large, has limits. His brother Faisal has always been on the side of productive expenditure within reason, but has a healthy distrust of bankruptcy. The actual currency reserve had dwindled alarmingly by 1962, and it would not be prudent to say what figures are given (by credible men) as to the amount there was in the treasury.

At all events, Faisal returned as Prime Minister and Foreign Minister. Under his influence during the Sa'ud reign a semblance of cabinet government had grown up, although many of the ministers were members of the royal family and there is no parliament to which they could be responsible. These transitional conditions were (and are) subject to shift and change, but as time goes on and the great government departments get more and more institutional strength (as by the beginnings of a civil service, for instance, or by an increase in numbers and delegated powers) it seems more and more as if the whole structure had come to stay. Only a very few years ago these great government departments did not even exist, and many men in Arabia remember the day when the King's Treasurer, Sheikh Abdullah es- Sulaiman, used to keep the resources of the kingdom in an iron-bound box under his bed. Now the most active ministries (Finance, Foreign Office, Petroleum, Education, Health) bear a distinct resemblance to similar institutions elsewhere, except, perhaps, that their buildings are newer and bigger. As power is delegated it solidifies, and the time may be near at hand when these great institutions will no longer be required to ask the King's consent and approval for administrative decisions. That time has not yet come: Faisal is an absolute sovereign as his father was before him, and I find it difficult to believe that anything of consequence is done in the government of Arabia without his orders. Much ordinary business is slowed up by this centralization, but on the other hand much bureaucratic red tape is cut by it.

An absolute monarchy is difficult for Western democratic minds to understand when it is combined, as it is here, with benevolence, a will to progress, a determination to raise the level of life for all inhabitants of the country. Some years ago, King Faisal, who was then Prime Minister and Crown Prince, told me that his educational program aimed at nothing less than adequate literacy for every child in Arabia. I said: "Did I understand Your Royal Highness to say every boy in Arabia, or every child in Arabia?" He frowned a little, as he often does. "What I said was every child in Arabia, and that is what I mean," he replied.

The idea of educating girls is in itself revolutionary east of the Jordan river, and the idea of educating all girls can be seen to cut at the very base of the age-old traditionalism of Islam. Schools for girls, which now flourish, are only three years old in Arabia and were bitterly opposed by many who live in the past. On one occasion the national troops had to be called in to ensure the continued existence of a girls' school. The idea of universal education, even for boys, is so strange and new that it has been much opposed amongst the tribes and in the villages, so that rewards of one sort or another have been invented to cajole the reluctant parents. Indeed it can be said that the entire system of education in Arabia is based more upon rewards and inducements than upon legal enactments. There is no reason why any boy in Arabia should not go through the entire school system, right up to the University of Riyadh and beyond that to Harvard or Oxford if he is good enough, without its costing him or his parents anything at all. His bills are all paid, including his maintenance, clothing and other requirements. In a country where there are, substantially speaking, no taxes, where a system of health and welfare is evolving at a great rate, where a traditional custom of outright gifts and other benefits has prevailed for centuries, it is difficult to see how any bright boy (and, pretty soon, any bright girl) can fail to evolve into the sunlight of opportunity.

This, of course, is what Faisal wants. He has taken an enormous interest in all the scholarship assignments and appointments for years past, and everybody acquainted with the subject knows that he has indefatigably supported the applications of talented boys for work in foreign fields. Six of his own sons (all the sons of his monogamous Queen) did advanced studies abroad, five in the United States and one in England his eldest, who is the son of an earlier marriage, did not do so, but in many ways he is one of the most talented in a really talented family. This prince (Abdullah ibn Faisal) told me last summer that the social system of Arabia had too greatly increased the size of the royal family: "We are not a family, we are a clan," he said with a laugh. Thus he decided to forgo the advantages of that status and become a businessman, which he is today-Jiddah real estate, a most promising field.

Some effort should be made on the part of the Western democratic peoples to understand what an astounding thing it is for a country which has been substantially unchanged for 2,000 years to find itself, almost overnight (that is, in a couple of decades), on the threshhold of an unimaginable future. Social and economic revolution is already here countless signs of it exist without being codified. For example, the camel, which was the lifeblood of Arabia for centuries, has practically vanished from all but remote districts. This summer I saw no camels anywhere, and in 1960 I saw only the King's herd of specially bred beasts, which are kept only for their milk. One of King Faisal's uncles, Prince Abdullah abd el-Rahman, told me that there exists a saying of the Prophet Mohammed (Upon Whom Be Peace!) to the effect that the day would come when in the land of the Arab the camel would no longer be of any use and the bride-price would go so high as to discourage marriage. Prince Abdullah assured me that this strange condition had already come to pass. Certainly the jeep and the motor in general have taken the camel's place in most of the land I have flown over a good many Bedouin encampments where not a beast was visible, only motors. I cannot answer for the bride-price, but I have heard that parents nowadays ask so much for their girls that except in the Bedou tribes the age of marriage is going very high the young men have to wait until they can pay.

One of the most remarkable things is the ease and even zest with which the people of Arabia accommodate themselves to this sudden change. Fresh from the desert, they come into Jiddah or Riyadh and other cities and start driving automobiles before they are used to wearing shoes. They take to air- conditioning so instantly that in a week or so they are saying they could never live without it-I have heard that said by an Arab friend who had not even heard of it five years ago. Of course these are cities, but all the cities are getting bigger precisely because they afford to the impoverished desert-dweller, oppressed and deprived for centuries, the glimpse of the new world.

King Faisal is making his way through formidable difficulties, although his advantages are also great. The principal intellectual difficulty in his situation is that he has had to invent not only his government (which those who govern must always do) but also his system of government. The apparatus of administration was unknown to Arabia in earlier years-certainly this King's father had nothing of the kind. Taxes, as I have said, are negligible they consist of a slight customs tariff and a tax (Koranic in origin) of 2½ percent of a man's gains as a gift to the poor. Income tax, as such, does not exist. Eighty-seven percent of the kingdom's revenue derives from the royalties and other payments accruing from the oil companies, of which the chief is the Arabian-American Oil Company on the Persian Gulf, with the recent Japanese underwater exploitation growing in importance. (To these there has been added a French concession this year it hopes to find oil in the land of Midian, in upper Arabia by the Red Sea.)

What King Faisal has done, even before he came to the throne, is to create a system of government where none really existed before. In Nejd and in central Arabia in general it was possible to rule despotically the King received complaints and petitions the King ruled on them. A somewhat more sophisticated way of doing things had grown up in the Hijaz, on the Red Sea, where the influences of Turkey and all the rest of Islam were strong, and where the annual pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina brought in large numbers of foreign Moslems. There, after the First World War, the Sherifian family of Hussein and his sons (Colonel T. E. Lawrence's friends) were finally overwhelmed by Ibn Sa'ud's fierce desert warriors, and by 1932 the old King felt able to proclaim the entirely new Kingdom of Arabia as the successor to these and many states.

Faisal was then, by the official chronology, 27 years old, alert and intelligent, very keen to be of use to his father and to the new kingdom. He was sent on a mission abroad as special ambassador to announce his father's accession and to open up diplomatic relations with most of the countries of Europe. (He also visited Russia but, since there is little business to transact between them, there are no diplomatic relations.) He had travelled early and had been in the Hijaz since the first campaign there, some years before. There appears to have been in him some particular aptitude for literary Arabic, for poetry and history as well as for diplomacy. As his father's Viceroy in the Hijaz he came to know the foreigners, the corps diplomatique and the pilgrims from afar, dealing with them in a constant give-and-take which provided him with a depth of experience otherwise unknown in Arabia. He has been Foreign Minister since the office was created, and although the details of administration in the greatly enlarged new office are of necessity delegated, Faisal is still its head. And during these 33 years he has, except for absences overseas, been using the same offices in Jiddah, those of the Viceroy, where he is on duty every day when he is in that capital. (Jiddah is the diplomatic capital, Riyadh the ancestral capital of the royal family in the Nejd oasis, and Mecca the religious capital and center.) The Hijaz in general, with its history of relations with the outer world, has a different character from the rest of the country and a different cultural level in Islamic learning. It is significant that Faisal has spent so many years of his life in this seacoast region, far from his native desert in Central Arabia. (Up to recent decades Riyadh was from two to three weeks distant from the Hijaz by camel the journey by jet takes as many hours.)

The main physical fact of life in Arabia is, of course, the desert, the lack of arable land and everything that depends upon it, including human life. The country is very largely uninhabited and you may fly for hours across it without seeing anything but sand. The nomads of the desert, roaming in search of water, have led a hard and bitter life for centuries, preying upon each other and their stepmother nature for the merest existence. Such a population, sparse and forever threatened, could not be expected to increase much, and only the new conditions have made posssible the movement of nomads to settlements, their transformation into sedentary workers. In the absence of a census it is impossible to make an informed guess about the size of the population. An estimate by United Nations experts a few years ago is said to have mentioned 3,200,000 as a probability but this figure was never published and is said to be long surpassed. The Hijaz, on the Red Sea, and the Eastern Province, on the Persian Gulf (most of it once known as Hasa), must contain, between them, about half the population. If this is so, the desert nomads-the Bedouin- would constitute the other half, organized into tribes which only in the present century have been effectively brought under control. Ibn Sa'ud's combination of force and diplomacy proved to be the only means to this end, and a great part of his long life was given to the struggle. His sons have had to continue it, and it is essential to government in Arabia. The King must know the tribes, their family origins and connections, their grazing grounds and water-holes, their dialects, prejudices and legends. It is as important to his effective rule as a knowledge of foreign relations or finance. Faisal is reputed to be exceptionally skillful in such matters, and in his reception of tribal representatives-Thursdays in Riyadh, Saturdays in Jiddah-he manages to keep in touch with them. The Bedouin, with all their great reverence for his family, do not use titles and usually address him simply as "Faisal ibn Abd el-Aziz."

No foreigner can speak with much knowledge of the Bedouin, but in affairs which a foreigner can judge, it is clear that Faisal has made enormous progress both during his Prime Ministership and during this first year as King.

It is in foreign affairs and particularly Arab affairs that this progress has been most noticed. The invasion of the Yemen in the autumn of 1962 by an Egyptian army, under the pretext of defending a "republican movement" which had been conjured up three days before, was a glaring violation of international law. By its threat to the sovereignty of the backward mountain region it constituted a clear threat to the whole of Arabia, where the ambitions of Gamal Abdel Nasser have been under suspicion for some years. The national danger was indeed another of the reasons (along with financial trouble) why Faisal had to be recalled to power at the time. In the intervening three years he has cautiously, stubbornly opposed the Egyptian aggression almost to the point of open war. He has always been willing to negotiate and has done so, only to encounter the Egyptian's unwillingness to honor a bargain. Nasser's failing economy has made it impossible to continue an unpopular war so far away-it costs money to maintain an army of sixty to seventy thousand men, even if they are Egyptians accustomed to penury, at such a great distance-and there was never any sign of an end to the conflict. The "royalists," sustained by Faisal with money and supplies, indeed have had the advantage for the past year and more. (In the Yemen, these words, "royalist" and "republican," often mean merely Arab and Egyptian this is not understood in Washington, which so hastily recognized the "revolutionary" régime set up by Nasser.) Faisal bided his time, although not without some anger and impatience. In the result, Nasser, faced with disaster, visited Arabia and accepted Faisal's terms in an agreement signed August 24 last, under which the Egyptian army was to be withdrawn from Arabia and a compromise régime set up. The agreement has been kept up to now and there even are signs that Nasser is hastening the withdrawal of his troops.

The impression on the Arab world of the triumph of Faisal's defensive policy has been great. Arabs in general have been swayed by Nasser at times almost to the point of folly, and "Arab socialism" has become fashionable in many countries which have no idea of what the expression means but every indication in 1965 is that all this has ended. The "three circles" of Nasser's ambition, as shown in his book "The Philosophy of the Revolution," are Islam, Africa and the Arab world, which are partially overlapping but not concentric. It looks now as if his ambitions have failed in all three circles, and the chief reason is that Faisal, in defense of his own country and people, has not hesitated to accept Nasser's challenge. The prestige of Arabia, even among "Arab socialists," is much enhanced.

The atmosphere of very careful legality which surrounded Faisal's accession may or may not be a precedent or lead to constitutional legislation, but it certainly suggests (at least to a Western mind) that the progress may not be only in material advantages, such as schools and roads and airlines, but also in fundamental thought about the nature of the state. The King evidently does not like the word "constitution" whether it is described as written, like the American, or unwritten, like the British. He prefers a somewhat different expression translated as "basic law," which in Arabic refers to the authority of the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet. The trouble with this form of basic law is that it is subject to the interpretations of the "learned men" (the Ulema) who so often know nothing beyond their exegetical disputations.

Suggestions have been made, even publicly, that some system of representation might be evolved in Arabia. To this idea, clearly premature at present, the reply is that the patriarchal Islamic monarchy, with its provisions for general welfare, is as truly democratic as any system ever produced in the West. And yet one observes that every important move in Faisal's great activity is as carefully legalized as if there were a written constitution and a Supreme Court to guard it. It may be unnecessary to emphasize this legalism but it must play its part in the evolution of a system.

For example, when in March 1964 Faisal became Regent of the Kingdom, with all the kingly powers in his own person, it was done by a series of decisions as formal as words could make them. First, the Ulema decided that the differences between King and Crown Prince should be settled by transferring real power to the Crown Prince as Regent. Then the royal family in its own assembly at Riyadh confirmed this decision and asked the Crown Prince to carry it out. Then the Vice-President of the Council of Ministers signed a ministerial decree requesting Faisal to approve. (The Vice-President was Faisal's younger brother, Khaled, who was proclaimed Crown Prince afterward.) Finally, on March 30, 1964, Faisal issued a royal decree confirming these decisions. From then on, King Sa'ud, the legal sovereign, had no powers at all all were vested in Faisal.

Then, on November 2, 1964, the same process of decision and decree was completed for the final step: Sa'ud was no longer King Faisal acceded to the throne with full powers. But the care with which these decisions were worded, the extreme formality of their successive proclamations, reveal a sensitiveness toward the public conscience which looks more to the future than to the past. To some observers it seems that all these things put together indicate a steady, coherent tendency towards constitutionalization, under whatever name it may be done. The caution involved in all this is apparent-for in truth Faisal could have been King long ago if he had wished-but the general tug-and-pull and thrust of what has been happening are putting the Arabian peninsula into the middle of our time.


King Faisal I - History

The king was rushed to hospital still alive and doctors massaged his heart and gave him a blood transfusion but they were unable to save him.

King Faisal was fatally wounded when his nephew Prince Faisal Ibu Musaed allegedly fired three bullets at him with a pistol at point blank range during a royal audience.

According to eyewitnesses, Prince Musaed was waiting in the ante-room and talking to a Kuwaiti delegation who were waiting to meet the king.

King Faisal had bent forward to kiss his nephew but Prince Musaed was reported to have pulled out a pistol and shot him under the chin and then through the ear.

One of the king's bodyguards hit the prince with his sword, although it was still sheathed.

Oil minister Sheikh Yamani is reported to have shouted to the guard not to kill the prince.

Prince Faisal Ibu Musaed was seized immediately after he attacked his uncle and is being questioned by Saudi police about the assassination.

Doctors and psychiatrists have confirmed that they believe he is "mentally unbalanced".

Both before and after the assassination Prince Musaed was reported to be calm.

Since the killing, Riyadh has closed down completely for three days of mourning.

King Khalid, the brother of the assassinated king, has taken his place by agreement of the Saudi royal family.

The prince was beheaded in the public square in Riyadh. This is the traditional method of execution in Saudi Arabia under Islamic law.

The prince's motives are still not clear. There has been speculation that he sought to avenge the death of his elder brother Khalid, who died in a clash with security forces in 1966.

At the time of the assassination there were some conspiracy theories although an investigation later found that Prince Faisal bin Musaed acted alone.

Prince Musaed was declared officially insane, according to a "settlement issued by the royal cabinet" following the assassination of King Faisal.


Tonton videonya: Witness To History: The Assassination Of Egypts President Sadat (Ogos 2022).